4. Developing, activating, and using migrant skills in the Flemish labour market

Abstract

This chapter starts by discussing the challenges that emerge in the labour market trajectories of various migrant groups in Flanders from a skills perspective. Next, it considers the policies for unlocking migrants’ full skills potential through the identification, use, activation, and further development of those skills. The chapter examines migrants’ access to and take-up of these policies, as well as their effectiveness in terms of gaining a (stable) foothold in the Flemish labour market.

Employment trajectories of immigrant populations

As discussed in the previous Chapter, Flanders invests substantially in the integration of newly arrived migrants during their first years of settlement – in terms of language abilities and knowledge of the Flemish labour market and wider society. After the successful completion of the civic integration track, migrants can either search for and enter employment, enrol in additional language and vocational training, or pursue further education. These additional services are not managed by the integration agencies but instead are provided by mainstream policies and services. Integration support for migrants at this point is mostly untargeted.

The following section builds on longitudinal administrative data (see Box 4.1) to investigate the long-term labour market integration of different migrant groups in Flanders. Migrant’s labour market integration generally takes time. As elsewhere, newly arrived migrants often dominate the policy debate in Flanders. However, it is key that the long-term integration of established migrants is considered. This chapter shows that some established migrant groups are struggling to integrate and have become quite distant from the labour force. Notably, the labour market outcomes of long-term settled refugees and female family migrants are poor, also in international comparison. These groups are facing challenges that need to be addressed.

Box 4.1. Data sources of this chapter

Labour market trajectories, and uptake and effects of integration and activation measures

This chapter uses data from the Migration, Integration and Activation (MIA) panel. The MIA panel was developed by researchers from the University of Antwerp, in the framework of the VIONA Chair in Migration, Integration, and the Labour Market (Neels and Wood, 2019[1]; Wood and Neels, 2020[2]). The MIA panel links longitudinal microdata from the Crossroads Bank for Social Security on labour market outcomes with data from the Flemish PES on activation measures, and data from the Crossroads Bank for Civic Integration on civic integration measures, for the 2005-16 period.

The MIA panel consists of two samples:

“Respop”: a sample of the working-age population aged 18 to 65 between 2005 and 2016, disproportionally stratified by age and parentage (Belgian, Southern European, and non-European; based on nationality at birth and parents’ nationality at birth).
“Newpop”: a sample of the population of newly arrived migrants who settled in Flanders between 2005 and 2015 and became target group of the civic integration programme, disproportionally stratified by category of entry (refugee and other migrants), and proportionally stratified by settlement cohort.

Employment – as measured in the Crossroads Bank for Social Security – covers self-employment, work in the regular job market, subsidised work, and all possible combinations of these. Employment for which no Belgian social security contributions were paid (e.g. informal work, cross-border work, working for supra-national institutions) are out of scope.

Uptake and effects of vocation-specific language training, recognition of foreign qualifications and domestic qualifications

The analyses and figures in this chapter on the uptake and the effects of vocation-specific language training, recognition of foreign qualifications and domestic qualifications are based on a longitudinal administrative data panel developed by the OECD Secretariat. The panel links longitudinal microdata from the Flemish PES with data from the Crossroads Bank for Civic Integration. The VDAB dataset contains information on the total population of registered jobseekers for the 2014-21 period and includes information on participation in vocational language training and jobseekers’ qualifications (whether it is foreign, recognised, or domestic). The Crossroads Bank for Civic Integration dataset contains data on the total population of newly arrived migrants who settled in Flanders between 2005 and 2021 and who became target of the civic integration programme. It also includes information on whether and when newcomers got their foreign qualifications recognised.

Note: See Chapter 2 for a detailed discussion of the databases that were linked in the panels.

Immigrant women often face a double disadvantage

As in other European OECD countries (Ala-Mantila and Fleischmann, 2018[3]), gender strongly correlates with labour market outcomes in Flanders. Figure 4.1 shows that newly arrived migrant women needed more time to integrate into the Flemish labour market than men, and that women’s employment levels remained well below men’s even ten years after settlement. Generally, men’s estimated employment trajectories increased faster during the initial years and then flattened after about seven years, whereas migrant women experienced a slower but steadier increase in their employment levels. These patterns imply that the gender employment gap among migrants in Flanders increased during the first years after arrival, reached a peak estimated at 22 percentage points after six years, and narrowed thereafter.

Figure 4.1. Migrant women experience a slower and more gradual integration process

The reason for migration influences labour market outcomes in the long term

The category of admission, whether individuals came for work and education, family, or humanitarian reasons, is also a key factor correlating with different labour market integration pathways (Zwysen, 2019[4]; Dumont et al., 2016[5]). In Flanders, labour immigrants have the highest estimated employment rates (around 60%) when they arrive, and these remain relatively stable over the duration of residence (see Figure 4.2).1 For family migrants, the picture strongly differs between men and women. Male family migrants have high estimated employment probabilities early in their stay (from 50 to 60%), whereas female family migrants have much lower employment probabilities to begin with, which increase gradually over the first ten years in Flanders but stay below 50%.

Humanitarian migrants face more barriers than other migrants in finding employment. They frequently suffer from psychological distress as a result of their forced migration and hazardous migration route, often obtained their qualifications and work experience in a very different labour market context and face legal barriers to accessing the labour market during sometimes lengthy asylum procedures (Liebig and Tronstad, 2018[6]). As a result, humanitarian migrants have relatively low estimated employment rates during their first years in Flanders. However, as in other European OECD countries (Fasani, Frattini and Minale, 2022[7]; Bakker, Dagevos and Engbersen, 2017[8]; Luik, Emilsson and Bevelander, 2018[9]), humanitarian migrants catch up with other migrants; a process which transpired faster for women than for men. For both male and female humanitarian migrants, however, estimated employment probabilities stabilise after a ten-year period, at 53% for men and 46% for women, respectively.

Studies on the trajectories of earlier cohorts of immigrants point out that refugees face a “double jeopardy” in the Flemish (Belgian) labour market (Lens, Marx and Vujić, 2019[10]; Carpentier and Schoumaker, 2018[11]; Herman et al., 2015[12]). On the one hand, refugees take significantly longer to enter their first employment compared to labour and family migrants. Over time, refugees catch up to some extent. A substantial share of refugees eventually gets a job and the employment gap with labour and family migrants gradually decreases over the first years after arrival. Then again, remaining in employment is as much a challenge as getting a job. Once refugees built up a limited employment history, they run a greater risk of exiting their first employment. The relatively low employment rates of refugees are hence not only due to a slow integration process upon arrival but also reflect a disproportional risk of exiting the labour market.

Figure 4.2. Humanitarian migrants take longer to move into employment but catch up to some extent

The importance of formal education is less clear-cut

In most OECD countries, those who arrive with low qualifications struggle to find stable employment (Damas de Matos and Liebig, 2014[13]). While all migrants have low estimated levels of employment initially in Flanders, for those with a secondary or tertiary level of education, employment probabilities increase at a faster rate than for those with primary or lower secondary education. However, employment trajectories by level of education differ considerably between men and women (see Figure 4.3). Among men, estimated employment gaps by level of education remain very similar within the first five years after arrival, and only after that, differences emerge, to the benefit of higher educated migrants. In contrast, among women, differences are much more pronounced early on and persist over time, with an estimated employment gap of 14 percentage points between low- and high-educated migrant women after ten years in Flanders.

Figure 4.3. Low-educated migrant women have a slow labour market integration process

Being over 45 at arrival hinders labour market integration

Age at arrival also affects migrant’s employment trajectories. In Flanders, for both men and women, there is an overall pattern that migrants who are younger at arrival have much higher estimated employment levels than those aged over 45 years at arrival (see Figure 4.4). Moreover, the gap between migrants aged 46 to 55 to younger age groups increases with time for both men and women. Notably, among migrant women, the youngest age group (20-25y) also records relatively weak employment outcomes in the first years of arrival, a trend likely related to childbirth and care responsibilities.

Figure 4.4. Flanders has poor labour market outcomes among migrants aged above 45 at arrival

Migrant women experience difficulties in juggling employment with childcare duties

Indeed, a key issue for migrant women’s labour market integration is childcare. When migrant women are disaggregated into two groups; those who have young children (aged below 6) upon their arrival in Flanders, and those who do not, women with children have significantly worse employment outcomes (see Figure 4.5). In contrast, having young children upon arrival hardly affects migrant men’s employment trajectories and even exerts a slightly positive correlation on their likelihood of being employed. Not only are migrant women with young children more likely to be outside employment upon arrival; the initial disadvantage also takes many years to overcome. Even after ten years in Flanders, the estimated disparity remains at 4 percentage points While the civic integration programme in Flanders was to some extent adapted to the needs of migrant mothers with weak labour market attachment (for further discussion, see Chapter 3), few targeted measures exist, in contrast to other European OECD countries (see Box 4.2).

Figure 4.5. Foreign-born women with young children upon arrival take longer to find employment

Research for Flanders shows that motherhood has a stronger negative effect on employment for migrant women and native-born women with migrant parents, than for native-born women with native-born parents. This stronger motherhood-employment link among the former population is driven in large part by less stable pre-birth employment trajectories, indicating the importance of path dependencies in the Flemish labour market (Kil et al., 2018[14]; Maes, Wood and Neels, 2021[15]).

Furthermore, while Flanders has extensive childcare support systems and parental leave policies in place to help parents balance work and family life, the uptake of these policies is significantly lower among migrant women and their native-born daughters than among native-born women of native-born parentage. To be eligible for parental leave, one must have worked for the same employer for at least 12 months in the 15 months preceding the application. However, given that migrant women and their offspring are more often outside the labour market, they are often ineligible to parental leave (Marynissen, Wood and Neels, 2021[16]; Kil, Wood and Neels, 2018[17]). Similarly, because Flanders’ formal childcare system has large waiting lists and childcare agencies must ensure minimum occupancy rates, they prefer parents who are well-established in the labour market and have predictable demand for childcare. As a result, migrant mothers and their offspring are again put at a disadvantage (Biegel, Wood and Neels, 2021[18]).

Migrant mothers’ labour market participation is generally considered to have a crucial impact on the outcomes of their own native-born children, and particularly on their daughters. Across the OECD, having had a working mother at 14 years old increases the employment probability of native-born children of immigrants by 8 percentage points, which is twice as much as for their peers with native-born parents. For daughters of non-EU-born women, the difference is most pronounced: having a working mother instead of one staying at home increases daughters’ employment rate by 16 percentage points (OECD, 2017[19]).

Box 4.2. OECD examples of integration programmes supporting migrant mothers

Norway’s “Job opportunity” programme

The programme targets unemployed migrant women aged 18 to 55 who, after some years in Norway, still have difficulties in entering the labour market and need basic skills and are not covered by other labour market schemes. About 60% of all participants have children. The programme is adapted to individual needs and consists of various qualification measures, such as language courses, work practice and other training elements, as well as health-promoting activities. It can last up to two years, with a possible extension of one year. Participants with little to no education are eligible for a four-year programme. All participants receive social benefits, while taking part in the programme. Participants have to apply for the programme and are thereafter selected on their suitability in terms of succeeding in the programme.

In 2020, 34 projects received funding to support 1 200 participants – both new participants and those from previous years. The majority are enrolled in the programme for longer than a year. In 2020, around 350 women finished the programme, three in four successfully, as 58% found employment and 14% pursued further education. A challenge is the fact that most successful participants still have low earnings. Only around half of the participants can be considered self-sufficient after the end of the programme. However, this share is just 4% at the start. In 2020, 49% of participants who completed or stopped the programme, had a self-sufficient income. What is more, while before participation three in four women (75%) had their family and others as source of main income, after the programme this share was reduced to 27%.

Germany’s “Strong in the workplace” programme

The programme aimed to enable migrant mothers to sustainably secure their livelihoods. In 90 projects across Germany, from 2015 to 2022, migrant women received individual support on their path towards employment. The federal programme worked through a network of contact points that provide daily and low-threshold language training, peer-to-peer counselling, as well as mix of coaching and courses. Local contact points implemented the modular programme individually and co-operated with the local job centres and employment agencies. Partner job centres reported that the contact points are much closer and more intensive to the mothers and can provide more targeted advice to these women.

Finland’s “Your turn, mothers” project

The project is an initiative in the city of Vantaa. The aim of this project is to develop a new model of integration education for immigrant mothers, enabling quicker passage through integration courses. The model also enhances Finnish language learning preparing immigrant mothers to better socialise and communicate. It wants to encourage immigrant stay-at-home mothers to learn Finnish as a first step and do that together with their children that they can take to the courses. Improved language skills enable quicker entry into vocational studies or working life and better preparedness to support their small children in language learning and integration into Finnish day-care and school systems.

Source: OECD (2017[20]), Making Integration Work: Family Migrants, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264279520-en; OECD (2022[21]), Skills and Labour Market Integration of Immigrants and their Children in Norway, https://doi.org/10.1787/6109d927-en; https://www.regjeringen.no/en/topics/immigration-and-integration/asd/Verkemiddel-i-integreringsarbeidet/jobbsjansen/id2343473/; https://aiditmukana.fi/alasivu/.

International comparison shows that refugees’ longer-term integration is problematic, especially among women

Generally labour market outcomes improve with the years as immigrants gradually acquire the skills required by the host country, including language skills. For many OECD countries a trade-off exists between on the on hand rapid labour market integration and on the other hand investing in migrants upskilling and education. Flemish integration policy increasingly aims for a fast transition of new arrivals into the labour market (Van Hoof, Nyssen and Kanobana, 2020[22]; VDAB, 2017[23]). This is particularly the policy for newly arrived humanitarian migrants (Lens, Marx and Vujić, 2019[10]).

Other countries with similarly extensive civic integration programmes, are Norway, Denmark, and Sweden. These countries have chosen in part diverging approaches over the last years on getting immigrants into rapid employment vis-à-vis investing in qualifications (see Box 4.3). Compared to these Nordic countries, estimated employment rates in Flanders for refugee men are slightly ahead in the first two years after arrival but thereafter the strong initial increase flattens. Nevertheless, still after about 6 to 8 years, they remain above what it is observed in Denmark and Sweden but behind Norway. For refugee women, the picture is less favourable. That is, refugee women have a lower starting point in terms of estimated employment rates, and their progress is slow. While it remains slightly above peer systems in Denmark and Sweden for the first years, after about five years in the country the estimated employment rate of refugee women settles at a low rate of about 35% and does not seem to increase in the following years.

In summary, outcomes in Flanders are relatively favourable in terms of employment trajectories in the early years, in line with the policy focus on rapid employment. However, after about five years, the progress comes to a halt at a particularly low rate for refugee women (see Figure 4.6).

Figure 4.6. Refugees’ employment rates level off after five to six years

Box 4.3. Nordic approaches to getting immigrants into rapid employment vis-à-vis investing in qualifications

Denmark focuses on rapid employment

The Danish Integration Act (2016) clearly highlights the goal of quick employment so that newly arrived migrants are to become self-sufficient “as soon as possible”. While the Act enables a variety of educational and training options, it is explicitly stated that these should be only employed if the migrant is unable to find (any) employment within one year. Lack of education or Danish language proficiency, or the fact that the immigrant can only hold unskilled positions, is not a sufficient argument to deprioritise employment-focused integration measures, such as on-the-job training and subsidised employment. An exception is made for participants between the age of 18 and 25 who lack higher education. They are required to take education, but only if it is considered likely that they will be able to complete such an education on normal terms.

Sweden focuses on relevant employment

The Swedish Establishment Act (2018) has a strong focus on getting immigrants into relevant jobs, particularly if they have prior qualifications that could be of use in the Swedish labour market. Even though some recent initiatives, such as the fast track for newly arrived refugees and the intensive year-programme, aim at accelerating the transition to the labour market, getting immigrants into occupations that match their skills levels is still a top priority. The changes in 2018 also strengthened the focus on education and qualification. Compulsory education was introduced as a new measure in the integration programme for participants who had lower education levels on arrival. Such persons – if they were considered unable to get employed after a two-year programme – could be required to take further education, in order to receive financial assistance. The aim here was to strengthen and improve immigrants’ chances of obtaining the high qualifications demanded on the Swedish labour market.

Norway has grown more aligned in objective with Sweden

In Norway, the Integration Act (2021) emphasises that the integration programme should ensure “formal qualifications and a stable labour-market attachment”, and introduces completed or partially completed education at primary, secondary, and tertiary levels as possible programme objectives. With the new Introduction Act, and the resulting strengthened focus on ensuring formal qualifications and a stable labour-market attachment, Norway is now more aligned in objective with the Swedish introduction programme. This is particularly the case for those with low education at start, who are encouraged and enabled with the changes to invest in their education first. Here Norway’s approach increasingly differs from the Danish. At the same time, changes in Norway with respect to the short programme time and limited educational offers for those with upper secondary education suggest that those with medium skill level may have a shorter time to invest in further upskilling or tertiary education, despite the needs of the highly skilled labour market in the future.

Source: OECD (2022[21]), Skills and Labour Market Integration of Immigrants and their Children in Norway, https://doi.org/10.1787/6109d927-en; Hernes et al. (2019[24]), Nordic Integration and Settlement Policies for Refugees: A Comparative Analysis of Labour Market Integration Outcomes, https://www.doi.org/10.6027/TN2019-529; Hernes, Bolvig and Liljeberg (2022[25]), Scandinavian Integration Policies for refugees: An updated comparative analysis of qualification and labour-market integration outcomes, https://www.doi.org/10.6027/temanord2022-534.

The effect of integration measures on migrants’ employment outcomes

Integration training has a small direct effect on migrants’ entry into employment…

International evidence suggests that integration training has often only a limited effect on labour market integration (Liebig and Huddleston, 2014[26]; Kogan, 2016[27]). Frequently, no direct link emerges between immigrants’ labour force participation or earnings and participation in language training (Clausen et al., 2009[28]; Lochmann, Rapoport and Speciale, 2019[29]). One reason is a trade-off between language fluency and early work experience. If newcomers spend too much time becoming fully fluent, they are less likely to gain early work experience, which delays their chances of finding the right job. Indeed, research for Finland and Denmark suggest that the negative impact of language training found in the short run may be caused by a lock-in effect, and that language investments are crucial and only pay off in the longer run (Arendt et al., 2020[30]; Sarvimäki and Hämäläinen, 2016[31]).

A recent evaluation for Flanders by Wood and Neels (2020[2]) considered the effect of participation in civic orientation and Dutch language training on the likelihood for non-employed migrant newcomers to enter stable regular employment during the 2005-16 period (see Box 4.1). Controlling for selective inflow into integration measures and indirect effects via increased participation in PES activation measures, they show a positive return of participation in civic orientation and Dutch language training on non-working newcomers’ probability of finding stable employment (see Figure 4.7). However, the return is small. In the short term for civic orientation and in the longer term for language training, non-working participants had a 5 percentage points higher likelihood to transition into stable employment compared to “matched” profiles who did not participate. Analysis also suggests that those who participate in the integration programme have weaker labour market profiles than those newcomers who do not participate.

Figure 4.7. Participation in integration training has a small direct effect on newcomers’ likelihood to transition into stable employment

…however, increased language proficiency comes with a large employment premium for some migrant groups

Despite the limited employment premium of participation in language training, according to the empirical literature, mastery of the host-country language is a critical precondition for immigrants to participate and succeed in the host-country labour market (Chiswick and Miller, 2015[32]; Dustmann and Fabbri, 2003[33]; Yao and van Ours, 2015[34]; Liebig and Huddleston, 2014[26]). There are reasons to believe that language skills are especially important in the Flemish labour market, as indicated by the fact that the proportion of migrants who identified a lack of host-country language as the principal barrier to finding suitable employment is among the highest in the EU (see Chapter 2 for further discussion).

Data analysis shows that better formal Dutch language skills three years after arrival positively correlate with employment five years later. The predicted employment probability increases proportionally from 41% for migrants without formal language certifications to 44% for A1-holders to 50% for A2-holders to 56% for those with formally certified language skills at B1 and higher. However, in line with a previous study for Flanders by De Cuyper, Vandermeerschen and Kuppens (2017[35]), the data shows that the effect of language skills on employment differs significantly across migrant groups (see Figure 4.8). Migrant women experienced a stronger employment return when moving from A1 to A2, whereas moving from A2 to B1+ brought about a higher return for men. Achieving higher Dutch language skills also was more beneficial for migrants who were younger at arrival. Obtaining language skills at B1 level or higher did not increase the likelihood of being employed for low-educated migrants, while it did for migrants with higher levels of education. The estimated return to language skills was also higher for those who migrated to Flanders for work or study reasons than for those who migrated for family or humanitarian reasons. Finally, moving from A2 to B1 was not associated with a higher employment probability for migrants who already had a job by the time they registered with an integration agency (not shown).

The results of this analysis are particularly relevant in the context of the revised Flemish Integration Act. From March 2022 onwards, immigrants who are obliged to take part in the civic integration track will need to prove that they have independently attained Dutch oral skills at level B1 two years after receiving their integration certificate. However, as is shown in Figure 4.8, obtaining a B1 level of Dutch is not always associated with a higher employment rate and the effects differ across migrant groups.

Figure 4.8. The employment premium of higher formal language skills differs across migrant groups

Finding a job: Activation measures for unemployed migrant jobseekers

Several factors limit the rapid labour market integration of newly arrived migrants, such as limited language abilities, lack of social networks, and lack of host-country labour market experience. Therefore, OECD countries provide a range of activation measures that help migrant jobseekers overcome employment barriers and expand their job opportunities. Compared to other OECD countries, Belgium spends a relatively large share of its GDP on active labour market policies, and spending is even higher in Flanders (OECD, 2022[36]; Federal Planning Bureau, 2020[37]). To what extent these activation measures benefit immigrants is discussed in the following.

The PES plays a key role during immigrants’ job search

In most OECD countries, job brokerage – the process of matching jobseekers with employers who are seeking to fill vacancies – is a central function of the PES. The PES also plays an important role in Flanders. Contrary to many other European OECD countries, including the Netherlands and France, contact with the PES is the most important job search method among the unemployed in Flanders. The job brokerage role of the PES is particularly important for immigrants who have only limited access to informal recruitment channels in Flanders. When compared to the native-born, immigrants are equally represented among those relying on the PES as their primary source of job search support. In contrast, the foreign-born in Flanders tend to make relatively limited use of direct contact with employers or social networks in their job search (see Figure 4.9).2

Figure 4.9. Migrants in Flanders rely on the PES to find jobs and less so on informal networks

The evaluation of activation and integration measures in Flanders (Wood and Neels, 2020[2]) confirms the key role played by the PES for both migrant and native-born unemployed jobseekers. Of those who became unemployed during the 2005-16 period, more than nine out of ten registered with the PES in the same month that they entered an unemployment spell. Differences in registration rates between foreign-born and native-born jobseekers were also relatively small (below 5 percentage points).

Of the various training measures offered by the PES, workplace training is most effective in the activation of jobseekers…

Next to its role as a link between jobseekers and employers, the PES offers a wide range of training programmes that help the unemployed gain a foothold in the labour market. The main programmes are outlined in Box 4.4. Generally, PES trainings can be divided into two categories. Classroom training facilitates jobseekers’ knowledge and skill acquisition in a classroom. Workplace training, on the other hand, similarly stimulates the development of skills but additionally aims at developing the competences of the jobseekers “on the job” by providing workplace experience. While the former mainly aims to tackle the supply-side barriers to employment by remedying jobseekers’ skill deficits, the latter additionally tries to overcome demand-side barriers through workplace-specific human and social capital accumulation and direct employer involvement (Wood and Neels, 2020[2]; Vandermeerschen et al., 2017[38]).

Box 4.4. PES activation measures in Flanders

The Flemish PES (VDAB) runs several training measures that are also available to foreign-born jobseekers, each with a different duration, set of admission prerequisites and targets. In line with previous evaluation research, (Wood and Neels, 2020[2]) distinguish between four types of training:

General classroom training (Oriënterende opleiding) is geared towards jobseekers’ motivation and job search skills. It can consist of the following modules: setting a realistic job target, resume writing and preparing applications and interviews, job seeking and workplace attitudes training, general labour market competencies training (e.g. digital skills), and Dutch L2 courses.
Occupation-specific classroom training (Beroepsopleiding) provides jobseekers with sets of certified skills and knowledge required to perform a specific occupation. The most popular study fields are in healthcare (especially nursing), education and accounting. During the course of the training, jobseekers retain their regular unemployment benefits. The PES pays the training registration fees and an allowance for travel and childcare expenses and possibly provides extra language support.
Non-contractual workplace training (Beroepsstage) combines certified human capital acquisition with the opportunity for jobseekers to develop specific skills in a workplace context. It includes longer programmes (max. 6 months) allowing jobseekers to fully develop workplace-specific skills, but also shorter programmes (1 to 35 days) with less emphasis on acquiring the full set of skills required to perform an occupation. Most programmes are open to all jobseekers, but a select number of them target specific groups (e.g. low-educated youth or jobseekers with an occupational disability). PES caseworkers assign jobseekers to a non-contractual workplace training programmes that have been created in collaboration with employers. The jobseekers retain their regular unemployment benefits, receive an extra internship premium, an allowance for travel and childcare expenses, and possibly language support.
Contractual workplace training (Individuele beroepsopleiding, IBO) offers workplace experience and training to jobseekers. It additionally includes a temporary wage subsidy to incentivise employer’s participation. A contractual workplace training typically lasts between one and six months. After completion, the participant is entitled to a temporary employment contract that lasts at least as long as the training duration. Generally, employers directly recruit jobseekers for contractual workplace training programmes, but PES counsellors actively encourage jobseekers to approach employers. While employers take care of the training programme and the jobseeker’s mentorship, the PES remains in charge of the jobseeker’s guidance, the required insurance, a monthly allowance to top up the unemployment benefit, travel and childcare reimbursement, and possibly language support.

Alongside training measures, PES caseworkers additionally provide job search assistance. Although some elements are standardised, the type of assistance depends highly on the interaction between jobseeker and caseworker. Furthermore, jobseekers can receive vacancy notifications (through an algorithm that matches vacancies to jobseekers automatically or through caseworkers) or be selected for a mandatory job interview (followed by an evaluation). In case a jobseeker is unresponsive, file transmission implies that the unemployment benefits agency assesses whether a withdrawal or limitation of unemployment benefits is warranted.

Source: Wood and Neels (2020[2]), “Wegwijs naar werk: longitudinale analyse en evaluatie van inburgerings-en activeringstrajecten in Vlaanderen, 2005-2016”, https://www.vlaanderen.be/publicaties/wegwijs-naar-werk-longitudinale-analyse-en-evaluatie-van-inburgerings-en-activeringstrajecten-in-vlaanderen-2005-2016-eindrapport-van-de-viona-leerstoel-migratie-integratie-arbeidsmarkt.

Which active labour market policy is most effective has been studied recently, both internationally (Card, Kluve and Weber, 2018[39]; Kluve, 2010[40]; Butschek and Walter, 2014[41]; Nekby, 2008[42]) and in Flanders (Vandermeerschen et al., 2017[38]; Wood and Neels, 2020[2]). A common finding of these studies is that workplace training, which has the strongest and most direct link to the labour market, generates the highest return in terms of entering (stable) employment for jobseekers.

Based on a sample of working-age (native-born and foreign-born) unemployed jobseekers in Flanders for the 2005-16 period, Wood and Neels (2020[2]) show that the short-term employment premium is higher for contractual workplace training than for non-contractual workplace training. One year after the start of contractual workplace training, participants had a transition rate into employment which was 23 percentage points higher compared to similar (matched) jobseekers who did not participate (see Annex Figure 4.A.1). The corresponding premium for non-contractual workplace training stood at 17 percentage points However, the positive returns to both training measures converge with more time spent in unemployment. While the return to contractual workplace training declined towards 10 percentage points after 3 years, the return to non-contractual workplace learning exhibits a slower initial rise remaining more persistent in the long run (13 percentage points after 3 years). Compared to workplace learning, classroom learning generates a more limited return in terms of entering stable employment for jobseekers. Due to lock-in effects, general classroom training exhibited mostly insignificant returns in the short term, with lower transition rates into employment among participants compared to similar non-participants up until the seventh quarter since the start of participation. In the longer term, the positive effect of participation in general classroom training gradually converges towards 5 percentage points The effect of participation in occupation-specific classroom training similarly showed a lock-in effect up until the fifth quarter since start of participation, but also a slightly stronger positive effect in the long run, with a 7 percentage points higher transition rate into employment for participants compared to similar non-participants 12 quarters since participation started (see Annex Figure 4.A.1).3

In their study, Wood and Neels (2020[2]) repeated the evaluation exercise for a subpopulation of non-employed newly arrived migrants who settled in Flanders between 2005 and 2015.4 For recent migrants, contractual workplace training generated the strongest positive result. In fact, one year after the start of participation, participants had a transition rate that was up to 45 percentage points higher than comparable jobseekers who did not engage in that training (see Figure 4.10). However, the return to general and occupation-specific classroom training was higher for newcomers than for the residential population. In fact, the return to occupation-specific training outpaced the return to non-contractual workplace training for this group (see also (Vandermeerschen et al., 2017[38])). For newcomers, investing in upskilling through classroom training thus seems particularly beneficial to increase their chances of getting a foothold in the Flemish labour market.

Figure 4.10. Workplace training and occupation-specific classroom training are most effective

…however, immigrant jobseekers are less likely to participate in the training programmes that are most effective for them

The PES training measures discussed above do not target immigrants and are generally open to all jobseekers. Participating in such training and other PES activities designed to increase one’s employment prospects is often a requirement for receiving unemployment benefits. Research for Flanders shows that, since jobseekers are usually not familiar with the different training options, PES caseworkers hold most decision‐making power in assigning unemployed jobseekers to different measures (Elloukmani and Raeymaeckers, 2020[43]).

Wood and Neels (2020[2]) show that migrant jobseekers are less likely to participate in the training programmes that are most effective in terms of employment entry.5 The cumulative incidence of enrolment in training shows that uptake of occupation-specific and workplace training is generally higher among native-born jobseekers of native-born parents than among foreign-born jobseekers. In contrast, migrant jobseekers – particularly those born outside the EU – are more likely to participate in general classroom training (see Figure 4.11). These findings also hold for the subpopulation of newly arrived migrants who settled in Flanders between 2005 and 2015. Among the population of newcomers, migrants who came for family or humanitarian reasons have higher training uptake than migrants who came for work reasons, which is at least partly due to the fact that having participated in the civic integration programme strongly increases the likelihood of newcomers to register with the PES and engage in different training measures (see Annex Figure 4.A.2) (Wood and Neels, 2020[2]).

Migrant jobseekers face several obstacles to participate in training measures that are more closely linked to the labour market. Migrants may not have the necessary Dutch language skills to be admitted to more intensive training measures. Lower levels of schooling and domestic working experience, a lack of digital skills, as well as more challenges in orientating themselves on the Flemish labour market and formulating realistic and well-defined job ambitions, are additional impediments (Elloukmani and Raeymaeckers, 2020[43]). Furthermore, household composition and particularly the presence of young children has also been shown to exert a stronger effect on training uptake among migrant women than among native-born women (Kasztan Flechner et al., 2022[44]). Finally, newly arrived migrants may only have the option – often due to financial constraints – to choose short-term training programmes with a focus on direct access to the (lower segments) of the labour market, sometimes regardless of their skills and capacities. For contractual workplace training, an additional factor is that employers initiate the training and therefore select jobseekers with the strongest labour market profiles (often referred to in the literature as “cream-skimming” or “cherry picking”) (Wood and Neels, 2020[2]).

Figure 4.11. Immigrants are underrepresented in workplace and occupation-specific classroom training

International comparison reveals relatively low uptake of training measures in the first years after arrival

Cross-national comparison of activation measure uptake is difficult because of differences in how countries classify those measures. Nonetheless, evidence from a comparative review of integrating policies for refugees and family migrants reunited with refugees in Nordic countries (Hernes et al., 2019[24]) helps to benchmark Flanders’ outcomes. While the proportion of refugees participating in general and occupation-specific classroom training in Flanders is comparable to that in Denmark and Norway (around 40%), the proportion of participants in workplace training in Flanders remains significantly lower.

Table 4.1. Uptake of PES training measures among newly arrived refugees and family migrants is lower in Flanders than in the Nordic countries
Participation in different types of training measures within the first three years after settlement, refugees and family immigrants reunified with refugees, 2008-16 settlement cohort, Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Flanders
	Denmark	Norway	Sweden	Flanders
Contractual workplace training	14	11	29	2
Non-contractual workplace training	62	22	85	5
Classroom training	40	39	85	43
Note: Permanent migrants (aged 20 to 55 at arrival) who settled in the host country between 2008 and 2016 (2008-15 for Flanders) and who participated in the civic integration/introduction programme. We compare “contractual workplace training” in Flanders to “subsidised employment” in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden; “non-contractual workplace training” in Flanders to “internship” in Denmark and “work practice’ in Norway; and “classroom and occupation-specific training” in Flanders to “other labour market programmes” in Denmark and “other measures” in Norway. For Sweden, “labour market programmes” capture preparatory education, labour market training and work practice.
Source: Nordic countries: OECD Secretariat adapted from Hernes et al. (2019[24]), Nordic Integration and Settlement Policies for Refugees: A Comparative Analysis of Labour Market Integration Outcomes, https://www.doi.org/10.6027/TN2019-529; Flanders: OECD Secretariat calculations based on the MIA panel (newpop) (see Box 4.1).

As discussed above, since March 2022, all non-working integration participants in Flanders must register with the PES within two months of signing an integration contract. This reform is expected to increase and accelerate migrants’ uptake of PES training, so helping to narrow the gap with the native-born. Another possible accelerator is the Flemish PES’s gradual shift towards a more blended approach, offering classroom and workplace training with language training in parallel, as discussed in the following section.

Vocational language training is a promising tool to build work-related language skills…

Many classroom language courses are not adapted to the realities of the labour market. Migrants often balance competing demands on their time, such as providing for themselves and their family financially, discovering their new living environment, while often remaining in contact with family and friends back home. They can therefore lose motivation when the immediate benefit of learning is not apparent. At the same time, language classes might prevent immigrants from actively seeking or gathering work experience, which, in turn, sends negative signals to employers who prefer job applicants without long absences from the labour market (Clausen et al., 2009[28]).

One effective tool to improve labour market integration is vocation-specific language training (Delander et al., 2005[45]; Liebig and Huddleston, 2014[26]; OECD, 2021[46]). Vocation-specific language training allows migrants to build work-related language skills, and – when provided on the job – to apply these new skills to real-life situations whilst gathering work experience (OECD, 2021[46]). To date, relatively few vocational language courses exist in OECD countries, as such training tends to be costly and difficult to organise (OECD, 2021[46]). However, together with countries like Sweden, Denmark, Germany and Portugal, Flanders has built relatively extensive experience in providing such training. In fact, work-related language training and coaching is increasingly an area of focus for the Flemish PES (Van Hoof, Nyssen and Kanobana, 2020[22]; VDAB, 2021[47]).

The Flemish PES offers a variety of language modules, including preparatory classroom language training tailored to specific sectors, individualised language support in connection with occupation-specific training, and individualised language support in connection with workplace training (see Box 4.5 for an overview). PES language training is primarily targeted at immigrant jobseekers who have already completed basic language training at the adult education centres, frequently in the framework of the civic integration track (see Chapter 3 for further discussion) (Meeus and De Cuyper, 2015[48]).

Box 4.5. Vocational language training in Flanders

The vocational language modules organised or tendered by the Flemish PES (VDAB) can be divided into three categories:

Bridging courses (schakelopleidingen) offer classroom-based language modules to prepare jobseekers with limited Dutch language proficiency for a job or an occupation-specific training in a specific sector. The PES offers bridging courses for technical, administrative, social care, and sales occupations, as well as a separate vocational language module for highly educated jobseekers.
Language support in connection with occupation-specific training (Nederlands op de opleidingsvloer, NODO): Jobseekers who participate in occupation-specific training receive integrated language support: a professional instructor and a language instructor are both present on the training floor for at least two half days a week.
Language support in connection with workplace training (Individuele beroepsopleiding met taalondersteuning, IBOT): Jobseekers with limited Dutch language skills receive integrated language support and guidance from the PES at least twice a week as part of their workplace training.

Some examples of language support provided by language instructors include supporting jobseekers to ask work-related questions to Dutch-speaking colleagues, mentors and supervisors; to master and use the technical language required on the work floor; to report a technical problem on the work floor; and to understand safety and other instructions.

Source: VDAB (2021[47]), Vijf voor taal, https://www.vdab.be/sites/web/files/pers/vijfvoortaal.pdf ; De Cuyper and Jacobs (2011[49]), Het NT2-aanbod in Vlaanderen: passend voor werkenden en werkzoekenden?.

…yet, the number of immigrants benefiting from such courses is still limited

Figure 4.12 shows the cumulative share of (former) integration participants who have enrolled in vocational language modules over time. Overall, six years after arrival, close to 10% of the (former) integration participants had taken up some form of vocational language support. More than half of the participants took bridging courses to prepare for a job or a training in a specific sector; one-third received language support whilst engaging in occupation-specific training; 5% received language support during their workplace training, and 7% participated in multiple training types.

Participation rates differed significantly by immigrants’ formal Dutch language skills: while only 4% of the A1-holders took up vocational training, this share increased to 15% for A2-holders and to 25% for those with formal language skills at the level B1 or higher.

Figure 4.12. Relatively few immigrants in Flanders benefit from vocational language support

Some groups have a higher likelihood to enrol in vocational language support programmes. Among migrants with at least formal A2 Dutch language skills, estimated effects from a Cox regression 6 show that, adjusted for other variables, the propensity of enrolling in vocational language training was higher among humanitarian and family migrants compared to other groups, males compared to females, migrants who were younger at arrival instead of older and low-educated migrants instead of higher educated ones (see Annex Table 4.A.1).

Once employed, migrants face difficulties in accessing further labour market training

Early engagement with the labour market is crucial for facilitating a positive integration pathway for new arrivals. In line with this objective, Flemish integration policy is increasingly focused on swiftly integrating newcomers into the workforce. However, there is a potential trade-off between rapid and sustainable labour market integration, particularly in a skilled labour market like Flanders. As mentioned earlier, established migrant groups in Flanders often face challenges in integrating and have become distanced from the labour force. Notably, the employment rates of long-term settled refugees and female family migrants remain low. What is more, the stabilisation of employment outcomes among refugees and their families in Flanders is more significant than in Norway and Sweden, indicating concerns about the sustainability of employment in Flanders.

To ensure that early contact with the labour market does not hinder qualified migrants from securing employment that matches their skills and qualifications, on-the-job training can be a valuable tool. However, while unemployed individuals can benefit from various work-based learning programmes in Flanders, employed individuals do not have the same opportunities. Vocational training is often no longer provided free of charge for this group. The PES primarily offers digital information and tools, personalised career and training suggestions, and online training modules. Unfortunately, many migrants face difficulties in navigating these online services due to language barriers and limited digital literacy. Moreover, migrants who encounter career obstacles and aspire to advance into higher-skilled positions often require more comprehensive and long-term career support. Therefore, the PES and other stakeholders, including employers and sectoral training providers, should expand the opportunities for modular training courses to be undertaken alongside labour market experience. These models can also incorporate recognition of prior learning and bridging for those with existing skills and experience (see below for further discussion). Such a career-oriented approach would empower migrants to proactively prepare for career advancement and transitions without having to wait until they become unemployed to take necessary steps.

The career pathway approach developed in the United States provides a relevant example. It encompasses a series of interconnected education and training programmes, along with support services, designed for migrants who may not have access to traditional education-to-employment routes. These pathways allow individuals to combine work in a specific industry or occupation with relevant vocational education, enabling them to progress to higher levels of education and employment within that sector over time. Each step on a career pathway is tailored to prepare participants for the next level of employment, involving modular educational courses that lead to industry-recognised qualifications. The involvement of employers is crucial to the success of these pathway programmes.

In Germany, a programme called “Early Intervention” has been introduced to assist refugees and asylum seekers in identifying their skills, understanding their relevance to different occupations, and applying them in sectors with labour shortages. This approach is similar to the alternative careers model implemented in Canada. It allows migrants to initially work in positions that require lower qualifications than their formal qualifications (e.g. working as a nursing assistant instead of a nurse) with the intention of eventually transitioning to more qualified roles after achieving fluency in German and gaining experience in the German nursing sector. Importantly, migrants are given the opportunity to study the language alongside their initial position to ensure progress towards their goals and prevent them from being stuck in overqualified positions (OECD, 2017[50]).

Finding the right job: Assessment and recognition of foreign qualifications and skills

This section examines the hurdles facing and support available for those seeking to find a job that utilises their existing skills and experience. This entails assessment and recognition of foreign qualifications and skills to find the right job. Formally assessing foreign qualifications, prior learning and work experience allows immigrants to highlight their skills, increase transparency over their qualifications and make them easier to interpret by local employers (OECD, 2017[50]).

Immigrants with foreign qualifications face significant barriers to using their skills

In Flanders, a relatively high share of upper-secondary and tertiary educated immigrants has obtained their education and work experience abroad; a full 63% in 2021 (see Figure 4.13). This proportion is higher than the EU average (57%) and significantly higher compared to countries like France (29%), Sweden (36%), Denmark (43%) and the Netherlands (53%).

Figure 4.13. A large share of the immigrants obtained their qualifications abroad

Across the OECD, education acquired outside the host country – and particularly that acquired outside the OECD – is strongly discounted on the host country labour market (Damas de Matos and Liebig, 2014[13]). Employers who are unsure of the value of foreign qualifications are often unwilling to offer employment at a commensurate level, leading to a high prevalence of formal over-qualification among foreign-born workers (i.e. to have a higher level of education than that required for the job). In international comparison, Flanders has a relatively large disparity in the over-qualification rate between native- and foreign-born workers (12 percentage points in 2021, see Chapter 2 for further discussion).

In most OECD countries, the country where a person obtained their highest qualification is a strong determinant of the probability of being over-qualified. This pattern is also relatively stark in Flanders. Where two in five highly educated immigrants with foreign qualifications were formally overqualified for their job in 2021, the same is true for only one in five highly educated immigrants with Flemish qualifications. In fact, the over-qualification gap between native- and foreign-born employees is almost entirely driven by over-qualification among immigrants who were trained abroad. Of the countries considered in Figure 4.14, only Italy, Portugal and the Nordic countries see foreign qualifications more heavily penalised, whereas in Germany, the Netherlands and France, the disadvantage is similar to Flanders.

Figure 4.14. In Flanders mostly those with foreign qualifications have a high over-qualification rate

In 2021, the employment gap in Flanders between highly educated non-EU immigrants and highly educated native-born was 15 percentage points This is among the largest in international comparison, as discussed in Chapter 2. To support highly qualified newcomers to find jobs that match their education and skills, the PES (VDAB and Actiris), the integration agencies and higher education institutions together launched the @Level2work project (De Cuyper et al., 2018[52]). The @level2work project targets newly arrived unemployed non-EU-born migrants with a foreign bachelor’s degree or higher. The project starts with a labour market screening and career counselling. A central element is the use of a “one-stop-shop”, bringing all key integration actors together behind one desk. The project further emphasises migrants’ competency building, by facilitating migrants’ uptake of language training, workplace training and domestic higher education, as much as possible in an integrated format (instead of sequential). Finally, the project involves employers, for example via a digital platform for direct exchange and via two sector-specific trajectories, for professions in healthcare and ICT. During pilot projects which ran between September 2016 and April 2018, 1 246 highly educated newcomers participated in @Level2work. One year after the start of the programme, around 42% of the migrants had found employment though evidence on the quality of employment is lacking (De Cuyper et al., 2018[52]). Due to a mixed evaluation, only a small number of the participating cities and municipalities chose to structurally integrate one-stop-shops for highly educated immigrants after the pilot projects came to an end.

Flanders has a relatively advanced recognition framework…

Recognition of foreign qualifications and competences can take several forms, dependent on the purpose of the recognition (employment or further education) and on the nature of the skills (formal or informal) (OECD, 2017[50]). First, having foreign qualifications assessed is generally required to pursue further studies in the host country. Among recognition procedures for employment purposes, regulated and non-regulated occupations exist. Regulated professions generally require a specific licence, awarded by the relevant professional licencing body, often to protect public health and safety. Immigrants with a qualification from outside the European Economic Area (EEA) are not eligible to work in regulated professions unless they obtain a formal assessment and recognition of their qualification from the relevant licencing body. In Flanders, recognition of foreign credentials is important to access public sector employment where, in addition to citizenship and language requirements, recognised diplomas are frequently a condition (for further discussion, see Chapter 5). For occupations that are not regulated, immigrants with foreign qualifications are formally eligible to apply. However, employer uncertainty over the value of foreign qualifications may present a barrier to employment. Due to employers’ lack of familiarity with foreign education and training systems, foreign credentials may not convey the same signals as domestic qualifications and immigrants often lack domestic references or work experience, which adds to employers’ uncertainty. To improve their chances of being hired for a non-regulated job, immigrants can also seek formal assessment of their qualifications.

In Belgium, recognising foreign qualifications is the responsibility of the Language Communities, each of which has its own system for doing so. Table 4.2 lists how authority is divided among the relevant bodies in the Flemish community. The exact pathway depends on the purpose of the recognition (work or education), and in regulated or non-regulated professions. The legal framework for the recognition of study certificates in Flanders consists of the translation of the Lisbon Recognition Convention into two Recognition Acts of the Flemish Government in 2013.7

Table 4.2. The responsible authorities for recognition of foreign qualifications in Flanders
Purpose	Labour market entry				Further education
	Regulated professions		Non-regulated professions		For upper secondary education	For post-secondary vocational education	For tertiary education
	Qualification from EEA country or Switzerland	Qualification from other country	Qualification from EEA country or Switzerland	Qualification from other country
Role of NARIC Flanders	Not involved	-Accept applications for academic recognition -Assess purpose, content and level of education and decide on equivalence -Issue certificate of equivalence			Not involved	Not involved	Not involved
Responsible authority	Specific regulatory authority: - Assess practical competencies and issue licence/ID once application has received professional recognition				Secondary education providers: - Assess prior learning and decide about eligibility	Vocational education providers: - Assess prior learning and decide about eligibility	University/university college: - Asses prior learning and decide about eligibility
Note: EEA refers to European Economic Area.
Source: OECD Secretariat based on Flemish legislation and regulations, https://www.naricvlaanderen.be/.

Applications for recognition for further studies are treated by the competent education institution (see below). The assessment and recognition of foreign secondary, adult, and higher (vocational) education for labour market purposes is undertaken by the National Academic Recognition Information Centre (NARIC). NARIC Flanders is also responsible for providing information on the recognition procedures and on Flemish and foreign education systems. NARIC Flanders is run by the Agency for Higher Education, Adult Education, Qualifications and Study Grants (AHOVOKS) and counts 24 employees, 15 of whom manage applications in three “regional teams” (European/American/Oceanian, Asian and African qualifications). For occupations regulated by law, NARIC Flanders is only responsible for the assessment of academic recognition. Professional recognition is given by the regulatory authority for the respective profession.

More than 20 bodies are in charge of recognising qualifications for regulated professions, including amongst others the Agency for Care and Health which recognises the qualifications of doctors, nurses, dentists, and the Agency for Educational Services which recognises teaching qualifications.8 Immigrants seeking to enter a regulated profession with a certificate from an EEA country or Switzerland should directly apply for a professional recognition to the designated authority for their respective profession, as their qualifications are automatically academically recognised. If immigrants have a certificate from another country, NARIC Flanders should first give an academic recognition before an application for a professional recognition can be made.

NARIC Flanders has two recognition procedures: level recognition and specific recognition. A level recognition approves the level of the certificate in Flanders. A specific recognition specifies, in addition to the level, the field of study of the certificate. A specific recognition application is necessary if immigrants seek to enter a regulated profession, which come with strict diploma requirements. Level applications are preferred over specific applications if the applicant cannot provide all necessary documents for a specific recognition or when the corresponding education programme does not exist in Flanders.9 A level application ensures a decision within 60 days, a specific application within 120 days.

AHOVOKS provides basic statistics about academic recognition applications and subsequent decisions in yearly reports. In 2021, NARIC Flanders received 5 700 applications from 5 271 persons, which were record numbers for the organisation (see Figure 4.15). Specific and level applications for higher education were the most prevalent (35% and 34%, respectively), followed by level applications for secondary education (21%), referrals to other recognition bodies (6%), specific applications for secondary education (3%) and automatic recognitions (0.4%).10

In most OECD countries, recognition of academic qualifications is subject to fees. With EUR 90 for a level recognition, EUR 180 for a specific recognition of a bachelor or master’s degree, and EUR 300 for a specific recognition of a PhD, recognition fees are relatively low in Flanders compared to other European countries (OECD, 2017[50]). What is more, due to numerous exemptions, in 2021 only about a fourth of the applicants actually paid the recognition fee in Flanders. More specifically, the following applicants are free of charge: asylum-seekers, refugees, subsidiary protected, temporary protected, social assistance beneficiaries, supplementary medical coverage beneficiaries, civic integration participants (within 3 years before the application), and jobseekers who are guided by the PES (within 2 years before the application). However, there are other expenses, such as translation fees, which can make applying costly for newcomers. NARIC Flanders requires certified translations of the diploma, ID-card, and diploma supplements if these documents are not drafted in either Dutch, English, French or German.11

All immigrants with a valid residence permit can apply to have their foreign qualifications assessed and recognised at NARIC Flanders. Asylum seekers already in the country can apply for recognition while their asylum request is pending. Of the 5 271 applicants in 2021, 63% were women. The applicants’ average age was 35. Applications from individuals with Asian qualification are largely overrepresented, equalling 36% of all applications. Asian certificates are followed by, respectively, African (21%), Eastern European (17%), Western European (16%), Latin American (6%) North American (4%) and Oceanian (0.4%) certificates. The five most represented countries of foreign certificates are Türkiye (7%), Morocco (7%), Lebanon (6%), the Netherlands (5%) and India (3%). Finally, the share of humanitarian migrants (asylum-seekers, refugees or subsidiary protected) in the total group of applicants at NARIC has decreased considerably over recent years: from 22% in 2018 to 12% in 2021. This declining trend is likely due to the drop in asylum inflows after 2015 (for further information, see Chapter 2).

Figure 4.15. The average processing time slightly decreased in recent years

NARIC Flanders offers a variety of assessment types, depending on the type of qualification and the purpose of the assessment. An assessment generally involves a review of a foreign qualification against a range of criteria laid down in the Lisbon Recognition Convention. These include the level and type of learning implied by the qualification, duration of a training or study programme, status of the issuing institution (or system), and authenticity of supporting documents and equivalence with comparable domestic courses of training or study. The term recognition generally refers to the formal acknowledgement that a foreign qualification is equal to a domestic study or vocational training diploma (OECD, 2017[50]). As the recognition process in Flanders is regulated by law, applicants who have their qualifications recognised for labour market purposes receive a legally binding certificate of equivalence.

Overall, in 2021, about 85% of the completed applications resulted in a recognition (note however, that these include cases where equivalence to a lower degree was awarded) (see Figure 4.15). The specific outcome of the recognition procedure depends strongly on the level of qualification and the purpose for which recognition is sought. NARIC Flanders can generally take four decisions: a specific recognition, a level recognition, a negative decision, and “no decision possible”. A negative decision means all necessary information was provided, but no recognition could be given because no comparable level exists in Flanders. “No decision possible” comes down to the same result as a negative decision, but here, NARIC abstains from a decision if not enough documents are provided or if the applicant did not pay in time. For level applications, only level recognitions or negative/no decisions can be given. For specific applications, both a level recognition and a specific recognition may be granted, as NARIC Flanders automatically checks whether the certificate is eligible for a level recognition in case a specific recognition is not granted.

Applicants may obtain a lower recognition than what they originally applied for, for example an acknowledgment of a bachelor’s degree when applying for recognition of a master’s degree. In such cases, NARIC Flanders may also advise the applicant to pass an examination or participate in a bridging course to acquire the missing skills. However, there are currently no streamlined bridging courses in Flanders, nor is there a standard procedure to access education institutions. Within six months following NARIC’s decision, applicants can request a review if they have additional documentation. If applicants do not agree with the motivation of the decision, they can lodge an appeal with the Council for Disputes concerning Study Progress Decisions (for higher education diplomas) or the Council of State (for secondary education diplomas). However, these bodies will only verify if NARIC has respected the formalities; they can only annul but not amend NARIC’s decision.

Of all decisions made by NARIC-Flanders in 2021, decisions taken on specific applications for higher education, and among them specific bachelor recognitions are the most prevalent ones (30%). These are followed by specific master recognitions (27%) and level bachelor recognitions (13%). The specific recognitions thus include 65% of the decisions, the level recognitions 20%, and the negative/no decisions 15%. Medicine is by far the most frequently specified study area of the specific decisions (17%), followed by healthcare (8%), commercial studies and business administration (8%), education (7%) and sciences (5%). Concerning level applications for higher education, bachelor recognitions make up the bulk of the decisions (57%), followed by master recognitions (20%) and higher vocational education recognitions (8%). Just as among specific applications, positive decisions account for 85% of the total number of level applications (AHOVOKS, 2021[53]).

…but the recognition process can be long and difficult…

Surprisingly, there is hardly any empirical research on recognition procedures in Flanders, but several qualitative studies based on interviews with highly-educated immigrants highlight some of the associated challenges (De Cuyper et al., 2018[52]; Chakkar and De Cuyper, 2019[54]; Caritas International, 2014[55]). The most important obstacles to seeking formal recognition of foreign qualifications include the cost of the application (including translation costs), the lack of transparency surrounding recognition assessments, long recognition procedures, the heavy administrative burden, and the fact that applicants sometimes lack formal documentation and could not ask for copies from their country of origin.

Recent policy developments for qualification recognition in Flanders have focused on speeding up the process, streamlining the recognition system and raising awareness of recognition procedures. The earlier immigrants get their foreign qualifications assessed and recognised, the earlier they can put their skills to use. Fast recognition procedures are also important for employers, many of which need to fill shortages quickly. However, the procedure for requesting recognition in Flanders can still be long and arduous. In 2021, NARIC Flanders required on average 66 working days to finalise an application, provided all documents were submitted, compared to 72 days in 2018 (see Figure 4.15). Note that the average processing time, which includes waiting times due to missing documents of applicants, was considerably longer, at 101 working days in 2020 (down from 118 days in 2018). The average handling time has thus decreased over recent years, despite the organisation receiving higher numbers of applications. However, handling times differ significantly across level of qualifications and the purpose for which recognition is sought. Specific recognitions for secondary and higher education typically take 75 and 122 days, respectively. Level recognitions for secondary and higher education, in comparison, take 28 and 39 days, respectively. In 2021, eight out of ten decisions were taken within the maximum admissible handling time for recognition of foreign qualifications in legislation (61% and 83% for specific and level higher education recognitions, respectively) (AHOVOKS, 2021[53]). These waiting times only consider the academic recognition of foreign qualifications.

Recognition of qualifications in regulated professions is much more time-consuming because it requires applicants with degrees from outside the EEA to additionally apply for professional recognition, after having obtained academic recognition. Although the process for obtaining professional certification varies from one recognition authority to another, it is arduous as it typically entails competence tests, additional training periods and Dutch L2 language requirements. Unfortunately, statistics on the applications for professional recognition are not systematically available, as data gathering is at the discretion of the individual recognition authorities.

When compared internationally, it appears that the average duration of an assessment procedure – starting from submission of a complete application – takes longer in Flanders than in Austria (21 and 60 days for non-regulated and regulated occupations, respectively), Denmark (29 days for non-regulated), Germany (59 days) and France (90% take less than 30 days). On the other hand, in Sweden (50, 100, and 150 days for secondary, higher vocational, and tertiary education, respectively; 360 days for qualifications in the health sector) recognition procedures take longer than in Flanders (OECD, 2017[50]). Comparing durations internationally across different types of education and recognition is challenging though, and results must be interpreted carefully.

NARIC Flanders has recently developed a digital application system to shorten lead times and meet the increased demand for recognition of foreign qualifications. By the start of 2023, immigrants should be able to submit and follow-up their entire application digitally. In addition, NARIC Flanders now provides options to have foreign qualifications assessed prior to arrival, provided a concrete job offer in Flanders. However, like in most OECD countries, the proportion of applicants who use this option remains relatively modest in Flanders, accounting for 12% of all applicants in 2021 (AHOVOKS, 2021[53]). An innovative approach to assess qualifications prior to arrival is provided by Norway. The country launched a “turbo evaluation” in 2014 to help employers evaluate job applicants with foreign higher education credentials in non-regulated professions (see Box 4.6).

The recognition procedure involves a range of actors and authorities and can be opaque and difficult to navigate for newly arrived migrants. In Flanders, targeted counselling services are provided to tackle lack of awareness about recognition procedures. Counsellors from the integration agencies, PES or PCSW systematically assist newcomers by providing accessible information on the procedure, offering support regarding the completion of an application file and by acting as intermediaries between the immigrants and the diploma recognition services. Since 2014, NARIC provides training courses for these counsellors and, as of 2021, a basic training at NARIC became obligatory for them. Of all applications received by NARIC Flanders in 2021, 53% were submitted accompanied (AHOVOKS, 2021[53]). Surprisingly, the proportion of accompanying applications has decreased considerably, coming from 83% in 2018. Given NARIC’s increased efforts in recent years, it is unclear why this has occurred, but a partial explanation may be the declining proportion of applicants who are humanitarian migrants. Still, the share of applications by humanitarian migrants that were accompanied has also decreased from 83% in 2018 to 75% in 2021.

To facilitate information NARIC Flanders launched a guiding tool in March 2022. It consists of a one-stop-shop online information portal (available in Dutch, English and French) explaining recognition requirements and procedures step by step and referring immigrants to the relevant recognition bodies. Still, recognition processes for regulated professions remain complex and fragmented. There is a clear lack of transparency between NARIC and the professional recognition authorities on the criteria and procedures used. A more comprehensive one-stop-shop which accepts initial applications for the assessment of different types of qualifications and automatically transfers recognised study certificates and submitted documents internally to the competent recognition bodies could be beneficial. Sweden, for example, has developed a fast-track scheme in 2016-19 to accelerate the entry of skilled immigrants into shortage occupations, including several regulated professions (see Box 4.6).

… and barriers remain for those who lack formal documentation

Recognition of foreign qualifications can be difficult for persons who lack proof of their degrees, or have not graduated before migrating, as often is the case for humanitarian migrants. Given the circumstances for humanitarian migrants, many OECD countries have worked on developing recognition systems that do not require such formal documentation (OECD, 2017[50]).

Under the Lisbon recognition convention, NARIC Flanders established an assessment procedure for humanitarian migrants lacking full documentation of their foreign degrees. Unlike other migrants, they can start the recognition procedure as soon as they have one piece of supporting documentation (e.g. a diploma, a provisional diploma, or a list of points from the last study year). However, humanitarian migrants must still provide at least one document and NARIC Flanders does not treat an application without any document. If NARIC finds that the information in the file is insufficient, they set up an exploratory interview during which the applicant fills out an additional form, and a self-declaration on their study and professional career. These conversations can take place in Dutch, English or French, or with an interpreter if necessary (at the cost of the applicant).

A promising international tool to encourage the recognition of refugees’ qualifications and skills is the European Qualifications Passport for Refugees (EQPR).12 The EQPR, developed by the Council of Europe, is a standardised document that explains the qualifications a refugee is likely to have based on the available evidence. While not a formal recognition act, it summarises and presents available information on the applicant’s educational level, work experience and language proficiency based on a structured interview and an examination of the available documentation. The applicant also receives career advice. In 2016, the EQPR was piloted by the Norwegian Agency for Quality Assurance in Education (NOKUT). After a positive evaluation (the cost of a passport was found to be 90% cheaper than that of a regular recognition process), the EQPR was structurally integrated into Norway’s recognition system (OECD, 2022[21]). Even though Flanders participates in the EQPR project and has even contributed to its development in 2016, few refugees have thus far used the EQPR in their recognition procedure with NARIC Flanders.

Box 4.6. Good practices on recognition in the OECD

The Swedish fast-track scheme

A novel approach to speed up recognition procedures is the Swedish fast-track scheme (Snabbspår) aimed at newly arrived immigrants (within 3 years of residency) who have experience or education in a profession where there is a labour shortage in the Swedish labour market. The fast-track programme is managed by the Swedish Public Employment Service (which is the responsible unit for introduction programmes in Sweden). Migrants must be registered as jobseekers and have participated recently in the Establishment Programme (etableringsprogrammet). Participants review past experience with a counsellor who helps find the suitable fast track and translate any degrees or certificates. The aim of the fast-track programme is to combine validation of previous education/skills, internships, language training, and tailor-made bridging education to quickly find a job where the participant’s previous education and experience will be used. Participants may receive social benefits (often an introduction benefit) while participating in the programme. The selected professions and content of the programme have been chosen and developed in co-operation with relevant employers and trade unions. Over 40 fast-track programmes for different professions/careers have been developed, such as electrician, chef, doctor, nurse, dentist, pharmacist, teacher, butcher, baker, civil engineer, architect, social scientist (economist, lawyer), veterinary nurse, carpenter, and machine operator.

The Norwegian “turbo evaluation”

A prime example of an innovative approach to assess qualifications prior to arrival is provided by Norway which, in 2014, launched a “turbo evaluation” to help employers evaluate job applicants with foreign higher education credentials in non-regulated professions. Interested employers fill in an online application form containing the applicant’s education credentials, his or her CV and written authorisation. The online-based procedure is free of charge and verifies within five working days the discipline of the applicant’s qualification, whether the education is accredited in the country in question and whether the qualification is equivalent to a Norwegian degree. The evaluation is not legally binding and only for the respective job. Between 2017 and 2019, NOKUT completed around 250 to 300 turbo evaluations per year.

Source: OECD (2016[56]), Working Together: Skills and Labour Market Integration of Immigrants and their Children in Sweden, https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264257382-en; OECD (2022[21]), Skills and Labour Market Integration of Immigrants and their Children in Norway, https://doi.org/10.1787/6109d927-en.

Few highly educated immigrants obtain recognition of foreign qualifications…

According to the 2021 ad hoc module of the European Labour Force Survey, Flanders performs above average when it comes to the share of migrants with a qualification from outside the EU that seek recognition of their foreign credentials. Close to four in ten highly educated immigrants with a non-EU degree applied for recognition in Flanders, which is only topped by the Netherland (53%), Germany (47%), Portugal (52%) and Greece (62%) (see Figure 4.16). However, the picture changes if only migrants who obtained recognition are considered. With one in five, this share is below the EU average and well below countries like the Netherlands (34%), Germany (36%), Sweden (41%) and Norway (42%).

Like in other EU countries, the largest share of highly educated immigrants in Flanders who did not apply stated that they thought recognition was not needed. However, about two in five claimed that they did not seek recognition because it was too expensive or complicated, they were unaware that it existed, or it was impossible for other reasons (e.g. no recognition agreement existed with the country where they obtained the qualification).

Figure 4.16. Few migrants with a non-EU degree obtained recognition in Flanders

To further explore the importance of diploma recognition in Flanders, the analysis that follows builds on linked data from the Crossroads Bank for Civic Integration and the Flemish PES (VDAB) (see Box 4.1).

Among participants in the civic integration programme with tertiary education at arrival, humanitarian migrants more often have their foreign qualifications recognised than other groups. Figure 4.17 shows that close to one in four (former) integration participants had their foreign credentials recognised within six years after first arrival. Immigrants who migrated for humanitarian reasons most often had their foreign qualifications recognised (40%), followed by those who migrated for family reasons (25%) and those who arrived via free mobility (14%). Shares among non-EU migrants who came for work or study reasons were much lower, at 6% after six years of residence.

Figure 4.17. Humanitarian migrants more often have their foreign qualifications recognised than other groups

A Cox regression details the variation in the likelihood to have recognised foreign qualifications among different subpopulations of highly educated migrants (see Annex Table 4.A.2). Adjusted for other variables, the propensity of having a recognised degree of obtaining recognition is positively associated with being female, having young children at arrival, being younger at the time of settlement (below the age of 40), and having higher formal Dutch language skills. Particularly language skills are strongly correlated with the likelihood of having a recognised degree. Finally, the propensity of recognition was significantly higher among more recent settlement cohorts (in line with the rising number of applications and recognitions at NARIC Flanders, as mentioned above).

…despite a small positive effect of recognition in terms of labour market entry

The international literature on the employment effects of diploma recognition is still quite thin, yet research from selected European OECD countries suggest that immigrants who obtained formal recognition are more often employed and work in better jobs than their peers whose applications were not successful, or the large majority of migrants who never underwent an assessment process (Brücker et al., 2021[57]; Damas de Matos and Liebig, 2014[13]; Tibajev and Hellgren, 2019[58]). For Germany, Damelang et al. (2020[59]) show that having recognised foreign credentials considerably narrows but does not completely close the gap in the hiring chances between foreign- and native-trained applicants.

The linked data from the Crossroads Bank for Civic Integration and the PES (see Box 4.1) allow for an analysis on the effect of recognition on the propensity to enter employment for non-working newly arrived migrants who registered with the Flemish PES. Note that only (former) integration participants who settled in Flanders between 2015 and 2019 with foreign higher qualifications are included in the sample.

Figure 4.18 shows that there is a small but significant effect of recognition on the propensity for highly educated non-working migrant jobseekers to enter employment. Adjusted for other variables, one year after the start of the non-employment spell, integration participants with a recognised degree had a transition rate into employment which was 3 percentage points higher compared to integration participants with a foreign degree.13

Figure 4.18. Recognised foreign credentials accelerate employment entry for highly educated migrant jobseekers, but only by a small margin

The data does not have a measure of occupations, so it is not possible to estimate the effect of recognition on job quality. This is unfortunate, as from the perspectives of highly educated immigrants and policy makers alike, the intent of recognition is not only to ease transition into the labour market in general, but also to facilitate attainment of more qualified occupations. However, if the analysis considers time until entry into non-interim employment as an alternative dependent variable (to proxy the quality of employment), the estimated effect of recognition on employment entry increases slightly, at 4 percentage points one year after the start of the non-employment spell.

Further analysis shows that the effect of recognition on entry into employment varies with different subcategories (see Table 4.3). The effect is significantly larger among immigrants with a higher vocational education, professional bachelor or master’s degree compared to those with an academic bachelor’s degree, study and humanitarian migrants compared other categories of entry, and migrants with (very) good Dutch language proficiency compared to those with none or little proficiency. Differences in the effect between men and women are not significant.

Table 4.3. The effect of recognition on entry into employment varies across migrant groups
Effects (hazard ratios) of recognition on entry into employment for different subcategories
	Employment entry	Employment entry (excluding interim)
Recognition (overall effect)	1.08	1.11
Level of education
Higher vocational education	1.15	1.17
Professional bachelor	1.07	1.09
Academic bachelor	0.93	0.98
Master	1.20	1.26
Category of entry
Work	0.97	1.22
Study	1.47	1.30
Family	1.03	1.02
Humanitarian	1.16	1.21
Free movement	0.98	1.00
Dutch language proficiency
None	0.61	0.71
Little	1.00	1.04
Good	1.15	1.17
Very good	1.06	1.17
Note: Permanent migrants (aged 18 to 59 at arrival) who settled in Flanders between 2015 and 2019. The unit of analysis is all non-employment spells (pooled) registered with the PES that start within the 2015-21 period. Estimated effects are based on a Cox proportional hazards model, with time until entry into employment as the dependent variable. The independent variables are recognition, sex, presence of young children at arrival, age, category of entry, Dutch language proficiency, level of education, years elapsed since settlement, number of the non-employment spell, year of observation, and province of residence. The model includes interactions between recognition and level of education, category of entry, and Dutch language proficiency.
Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on linked data from the Crossroads Bank for Civic Integration and the Flemish PES (see Box 4.1).

Beyond formal qualifications: Recognition of prior learning certifies non-formal competences…

In addition to the recognition of formal qualifications, recognition of prior learning (RPL) gives immigrants a chance to have their competencies systematically assessed and certified. The focus of RPL is on informal and non-formal competences, often acquired during short courses, work experience, leisure activities and volunteering. RPL is a complement to the assessment of formal qualifications and helps recent immigrants, who acquired their job-related skills in a very different context as well as degree-holding humanitarian migrants who lack documentary proof (OECD, 2016[60]; Andersson, 2021[61]).

Flanders established the validation of informal and non-formal learning, known as the EVC (Erkennen van Verworven Competenties), gradually in the mid-2000s as part of a life-long learning strategy. Different stakeholders – the Departments for Work and Social Economy, Education and Training, and Culture – each developed a unique vision on validation and implemented distinct validation tools, which caused RPL to grow into a fragmented policy field (Geets, Wets and Timmerman, 2008[62]).

The Validation Act of 2019 streamlined the RPL policy in Flanders, by establishing stronger linkages between skills certificates and the education system, and by enhancing flexibility. The higher education and adult education sector continue to work with validation procedures, which give exemptions to academic degrees or a course or training section. For labour market actors on the other hand, validation of professional qualifications and competencies are now evaluated based on a formal frame of reference – the Flemish Qualification Framework. The Flemish Qualification framework provides standard descriptions of the required knowledge and skills for a given occupation or to pursue further education, which simplified the validation system for employers.The reform also increased flexibility by allowing the validation of partial qualifications or competencies. Before individuals who pursued an RPL were only given validation for skills which added up to a full qualification.14

AHOVOKS is the co-ordinating body that monitors, mediates, and improves validation standards of professional qualifications, if these are anchored in the adult education system or the labour market institutions. Professional qualifications can only be issued by validation bodies. To become a validation body, recognised educational providers, public organisations and private organisations have to obtain a quality label at the organisational level, accept a regularly quality control, and offer a recognised validation instrument. The validation bodies are also responsible for the information and guidance of the candidates. Currently, there are 24 validation bodies, including 20 adult education centres, the Flemish PES (VDAB), and three private organisations (HIVSET, Logis and ConnAct). A validation instrument typically entails a general mapping of competencies and a skills assessment at the workplace or a simulated environment. Only after a successful completion of such a practical test and – if necessary – a practical knowledge test – do candidates receive a formal proof of their professional qualification recognised by the Flemish Government. There is a validation instrument recognition procedure at the Department for Work and Social Economy for public and private organisations, and at AHOVOKS for educational partners.

Currently, recognised validation standards and instruments are in place for 10 professional qualifications, mainly at the lower levels of the Flemish Qualification Framework (FQF 2, 3, 4).15 Both jobseekers and workers can acquire a professional qualification through a validation programme. The financial contribution of the validation candidate, as defined in the Act, is the same across all providers and amounts to EUR 130 and EUR 65 for target groups (which include migrants and jobseekers).

…yet the scope of recognition of prior learning for labour market purposes remains limited

Although validation (RPL) trajectories are offered by a wide range of actors, including the Flemish PES, adult education providers, and private organisations, they remain small-scale. In 2022 (Jan-Oct), the different validation bodies together organised validation trajectories for 639 unique individuals. Notably, the share of foreign-born candidates differs strongly between the bodies, with 45% of the PES candidates that were foreign-born, compared to 17% of the adult education centre candidates.

Table 4.4. The scale of RPL measures remains very small in Flanders
Number of RPL trajectories for labour market purposes, by place of birth, 2019-22, Flanders
Validation body		2020	2021	2022 (Jan-Oct)
Flemish PES (VDAB)	Total	449	487	472
	Native-born	300 (67%)	326 (67%)	261 (55%)
	Foreign-born	149 (33%)	161 (33%)	211 (45%)
Centres of Adult Education	Total	78	118	141
	Native-born	65 (83%)	92 (78%)	117 (83%)
	Foreign-born	13 (17%)	26 (22%)	24 (17%)
Department of Work and Social Economy	Total	/	/	26
	Native-born	/	/	/
	Foreign-born	/	/	/
Note: The most frequent professional qualifications are childcarer, forklift driver, reach truck driver, and guide. The figures from the Centres of Adult Education are by school year (2020=2019-20; 2021=2020-21; 2022=2021-22). Figures also include some “certificates of experience” (trainer/supervisor in companies and organisations and fitness trainer).
Source: OECD Secretariat based on ad hoc data requested from the different RPL providers.

It is not entirely clear why RPL measures are not used more often. The lack of familiarity with RPL among employers and jobseekers seem to offer some explanation (Social and Economic Council of Flanders, 2018[63]). Additionally, anecdotal evidence points to long and arduous validation procedures. RPL is frequently the only way for immigrants with little or no formal schooling to ascertain their professional skills. Professional qualifications could be a particularly effective route into the labour market for immigrant jobseekers (Andersson, 2021[61]).

More efforts should be taken to increase the awareness among all stakeholders, including employers and migrants, about the existing provisions and their benefits. A well-targeted publicity can maximise the integration potential of the programme. One option is to use the RPL during the early stages of the civic integration programme training as part of the initial skills mapping. Validation bodies should intensify their co-operation with integration agencies and other third parties such as immigrant self-organisations. Efforts to disentangle the assessment of professional competencies from an assessment of the individual’s general language proficiency could also be instrumental in making the EVC framework a more valuable programme for the foreign-born. If necessary, and if the qualification requirements permit it, special arrangements may include oral demonstrations in place of the written sections of the competence demonstration, additional time allocated during competence tests for the planning of tasks and written modules, and support materials, such as plain language texts, pictures, drawings, models and aids (OECD, 2017[50]).

Employers have little role in assessing formal and informal skills

Migrants trained abroad and with foreign qualifications are at a disadvantage when it comes to demonstrating their suitability for a job opening to employers. As the final hiring decision rests with employers, their involvement in recognition procedures is critical to the success of assessing skills needed on the job. Recognition partnerships should thus aim to include employers in the design and implementation of recognition policies. This is particularly appropriate in Flanders, where the social partners play a strong role in labour market policy and integration (for further discussion, see Chapter 2).

In Flanders, employers (especially in the non-regulated professions) play only a small, if any role in formal assessment and recognition mechanisms. In fact, a study based on semi-structured interviews with 29 Human Resources professionals in the private and public sector in Flanders shows that employers have little understanding of the recognition procedure at NARIC Flanders (Chakkar and De Cuyper, 2019[54]). For instance, most interviewees are unfamiliar with the distinction between a level and a specific recognition process. For non-regulated professions, the survey shows that many Human Resources professionals do not ask about the recognition of foreign qualifications in their selection procedures and indicate that they value local work experience more than a diploma when assessing prospective employees. Therefore, Flanders could learn from countries like Australia, Germany, Lithuania and the United Kingdom, where employers are more actively involved in the formal assessment and recognition of foreign qualifications in non-regulated professions (OECD, 2017[50]).

To ensure that employers can understand the value of qualifications obtained abroad, some OECD countries provide employers with databases about international education systems and courses. NARIC Flanders generates a rich pool of information during their assessment and evaluation of qualifications. Making this information available and sharing it with employers would facilitate the informal assessment undertaken by employers in a cost-effective manner (Social and Economic Council of Flanders, 2020[64]). Such information would enable employers to consult the database independently when in doubt about the value of a foreign qualification rather than steering clear of the uncertainty such qualifications would otherwise entail. OECD countries that have taken steps towards supporting employers in this manner include Australia, Germany and Denmark (OECD, 2017[50]). At the same time, employers themselves can provide valuable feedback about their workers with foreign qualifications.

Employers can also play an active role in the recognition of prior learning. According to the Socio-Economic Council of Flanders, there is still much room to increase awareness of the validation system among employers and individuals and to win the support of important stakeholders. Employers are still not sufficiently familiar with EVC, the council notes (Social and Economic Council of Flanders, 2018[63]).

Upskilling of migrants: The acquisition of domestic education and participation in lifelong learning

Education in the host country is also an institutionalised chance for immigrants to catch up with the native-born (Zwysen, 2019[4]; Kanas and van Tubergen, 2009[65]; Adamuti-Trache, 2016[66]). As discussed, the share of adult immigrants in Flanders that is low-educated is high in international comparison. A considerable number of humanitarian migrants arrive in Flanders with little or no previous education, and thus struggle to integrate. Specific support is needed to ensure that illiterate and low-educated immigrants can acquire the knowledge and skills needed for any prospect of long-term employability. Investment in education to improve immigrants’ long-term labour market integration is key in the relatively high-skilled Flemish labour market (see Chapter 2 for further discussion). Moreover, upskilling can facilitate the transition from low-demand to high-demand occupations, thereby supporting migrants’ integration.

At the other end of the skills spectrum, conveying highly educated immigrants of the benefit of further education is also an essential component of the integration process. Most highly educated migrants require a faster paced integration track which equips them rapidly with the advanced language and vocational skills required for higher-skilled employment. However, for immigrants whose foreign degree is never recognised or does not hold the same value in the host country, getting another degree in the host country can improve job prospects and reduce the risk of over-qualification (OECD, 2016[60]). Partial recognition and bridging courses are cost-effective options allowing immigrants to demonstrate their skills without meeting all the host-country’s job qualification requirements (OECD, 2017[50]).

Despite a wide range of opportunities, participation in adult education is low in international comparison

There is a good range of adult education options at different levels in Flanders (OECD, 2019[67]). Formal adult education occurs in a structured environment and results in a formal qualification, whereas non-formal adult education also takes place in a structured environment but may only produce a diploma or certificate that is recognised by a sector or professional body.

Most adults in formal education attend Centres for Adult Education (CAE), which provide modular and flexible courses (e.g. evening courses) in a wide range of skills. The CAEs also give adults the opportunity to obtain a secondary education degree through “second chance education” (for further discussion, see Chapter 6). Centres for Adult Basic Education (CABE) provide courses in basic skills (e.g. numeracy, digital skills). Under the 2018 Financing Act for Adult Education, additional resources are allocated to centres based on participation of vulnerable target groups, including those without a secondary education certificate and non-working jobseekers. Furthermore, registration is free for adults who enrol in courses in the CABE and second chance education, and fees are waived for some vulnerable learners (e.g. immigrants, jobseekers in a PES trajectory) and for those without a secondary diploma who enrol in courses in the CAE. Universities and university colleges (hogescholen) offer advanced bachelor and advanced master’s degrees, post-secondary vocational education, and postgraduate certificates (which allow adults with work experience to continue professional education).

In terms of non-formal adult learning, the main training providers are employers, through the financing of sectoral covenants. In addition, Syntra offers non-formal education, such as entrepreneurial training, sectoral training, and additional specialised training, as well as apprenticeships programmes (leertijd) for 15- to 25-year-olds that lead to a professional qualification or a diploma of secondary education. Finally, the Flemish PES (VDAB) organises vocational training for jobseekers (see above), but also a specific education qualifying training programme for target groups (Onderwijskwalificerend opleidingstraject, OKOT) (see Box 4.7).

Box 4.7. Flanders’ Education Qualification Pathway for jobseekers (OKOT) is underused by immigrants

The Education Qualification Pathway (Onderwijskwalificerende trajecten met VDAB opleidingscontract, OKOT) is a training programme for jobseekers launched by the Flemish PES in 2011. The programme aims to increase the chances of jobseekers finding sustainable employment by training them in the qualifications needed to enter shortage occupations. The programme is offered by different adult education providers and higher educational institutions and allows jobseekers to obtain a diploma (European Qualification Framework 4, 5 or 6) through different training programmes that have a duration of 1 to 3 years. Each provincial PES office decides the training offer based on a provincial labour market analysis. The list of top shortage occupations in Flanders has long been dominated by professions in healthcare, the construction sector and cleaning. Eight out of ten OKOT trajectories are in the healthcare sector. Under the training contract, adult learners keep their unemployment benefits, provided that the training is in a field for which there is strong labour-market demand. They may also receive a relocation allowance and a childcare allowance. From the second year onwards, they are encouraged to combine training with part-time work, and in subsequent years a greater focus is put on workplace learning to avoid prolonged absences from the labour market.

In 2021, close to 6 400 jobseekers started an OKOT programme. Three months after completing the training programme, 76% of students had found work. Between 2019 and 2021, the share of non-EU-born OKOT participants remained stable at 15%, indicating that this group is underrepresented compared to their share in the total non-working jobseeker population (32% in 2021).

Source: OECD Secretariat based on ad hoc data request with the Flemish PES (VDAB) and Arvastat, https://arvastat.vdab.be/.

Despite this wide range of opportunities, the share of adults participating in different forms of adult education is low in international comparison (OECD, 2019[67]; Penders, Vansteenkiste and Sourbron, 2021[68]). Notably, the participation gap in formal and non-formal education between the foreign-born and the native-born in Flanders depends strongly on the indicator that is used. Using 2020 Labour Force Survey data, Figure 4.19 shows that participation in formal and non-formal education is similar between foreign-born and native-born individuals when measured in the four weeks prior to the survey. In contrast, the native-born have an advantage (of around 5 percentage points) over the foreign-born when participation is measured in the 12 weeks prior to the survey (Penders, Vansteenkiste and Sourbron, 2021[68]).

Figure 4.19. Participation in adult education is low among foreign-born and native-born

Few newly arrived migrants pursue formal domestic qualifications in the first years after arrival

Within this context, few newly arrived adult immigrants enrol in formal post-secondary and adult education programmes in Flanders. An analysis based on linked data from the Crossroads Bank for Civic Integration and the Flemish PES shows that, six years after arrival, only 2.5% of the (former) integration participants obtained a formal domestic qualification (see Figure 4.20). Especially migrants who arrive in Flanders with primary or lower secondary levels of education hardly pursue domestic education after arrival. Indeed, among migrants with a foreign academic bachelor or master’s degree, the share that obtains Flemish credentials after six years of residence was significantly higher, at 7% and 9%, respectively.

The limited attention for upskilling of new arrivals in Flanders stands in stark contrast with the policy in several other OECD countries, particularly the Nordic countries. Immigrants who arrive with low levels of education are frequently encouraged and, in some cases, even required to pursue domestic formal education during their civic integration/introduction programme in Denmark, but especially in Sweden and Norway (see Box 4.3). According to Hernes et al. (2022[25]), among the refugees who settled between 2015 and 2017, the proportion that participated in formal primary education (ISCED<3) within the first three years after settlement varied from 23% in Denmark to 29% in Norway to 9% in Sweden. Amongst the same group, that participated in formal upper secondary and tertiary education (ISCED>2) ranged from 2% in Denmark to 12% in Norway to 35% in Sweden. In terms of encouraging and enabling both low- and higher-educated new arrivals to invest in host country education, Flanders clearly lags a long way behind: only 3% of the refugees who settled in Flanders between 2015 and 2017 obtained a formal domestic qualification in the first five years after settlement.

Figure 4.20. Few immigrants pursue formal education in the first years after arrival, especially among those with low foreign qualifications

The results of a Cox regression (see Annex Table 4.A.3) show that having migrated for work and especially study reasons, being younger at arrival and having very good Dutch language skills are the most meaningful correlates of the propensity to have obtained Flemish credentials.

Many practical obstacles arise for newly arrived migrants wishing to follow formal education

Many practical obstacles arise for newly arrived migrants wishing to follow formal education in Flanders (Flemish Inter-university Council, 2019[69]; MAXIPAC, 2020[70]). One of the most important obstacles is that the educational institutions have large autonomy in determining what level of Dutch or what certificates are required to be eligible to follow a specific educational programme. Institutions take these decisions independently from one another, often leading to untransparent admission procedures for newcomers. Ambiguity regarding the newcomer’s residency status and associated rights further hinder interactions between newcomers and higher education institutions.

In addition, the various counsellors (integration counsellors, PES counsellors, PCWS social workers) that newly arrived migrants interact with during the first period after arrival frequently lack a thorough understanding of the educational options available to newcomers in Flanders. In the absence of tailored guidance, new arrivals often must contact the educational institutions themselves or consult general websites such as onderwijskiezer.be (available in Dutch) and studyinflanders.be (available in Dutch and English). Furthermore, as was also evidenced by the OECD field mission, for highly educated migrants who receive social assistance benefits (for further information, see Chapter 3), PCWS frequently prefer “quick” activation strategies over encouraging enrolment in formal schooling.

The language barrier is also a major obstacle. Newcomers with an educational perspective can take up Dutch language training at the CAE or University Language Centres. With the first provider, language courses come at a low cost (EUR 180 for course and test from 2023 onwards), but they are often spread over longer periods and do not always prepare for higher education. The University Language Centres do offer intensive language courses that prepare for higher education, but often at a high cost because they are not or only to a limited extent subsidised. Within the framework of the civic integration track, only language courses up to and including CEFR level A2 are publicly funded. However, since the required level of Dutch for starting a higher education programme is often situated at CEFR level B2 or C1, there is a gap in the financial support of newly arrived migrants. Only cities like Ghent and Antwerp have scholarships available for the higher language levels.

Finally, more streamlined preparatory bridging programmes can remedy shortages of required basic competences for entry into higher education. Likewise basic courses that give prospective students a taste of their desired education can help them adapt to the Flemish university culture. Even if most of the universities and university colleges have established such programmes on their own, adequate funding, streamlined regulation, and an effective distribution of the offer for these kinds of bridging programs are still lacking in Flanders.

Having formal domestic qualifications improves immigrants’ chances to enter the labour market

International studies generally find strong effects of host-country schooling on migrants’ employment and employment quality across EU and OECD countries (Zwysen, 2019[4]; Kanas and van Tubergen, 2009[65]; Adamuti-Trache, 2016[66]). An analysis based on linked data from the Crossroads Bank for Civic Integration and the Flemish PES confirms that this is also the case for Flanders. One year after the start of their non-employment spell with the PES, (former) integration participants with a domestic degree had a transition rate into employment which was 11 percentage point higher compared to integration participants with a foreign degree (see Figure 4.21). Similar to the outcomes on recognition (see above), the effect of domestic education increases significantly (to 15 percentage points) when only entry into non-interim employment is considered.

Figure 4.21. Formal domestic credentials accelerate employment entry for highly educated migrant jobseekers

Further analysis shows that the effect of domestic qualifications on entry into employment varies across migrant groups, with the effect being larger among immigrants with a higher vocational education or professional bachelor, migrant women, and immigrants who migrated for study, family or humanitarian reasons (see Table 4.5).

Table 4.5. The effect of domestic education on entry into employment varies across migrant groups
Effects (hazard ratios) of domestic education on entry into employment for different subcategories
	Employment entry	Employment entry (excluding interim)
Domestic education (overall effect)	1.35	1.55
Sex
Men	1.19	1.31
Women	1.71	1.99
Level of education
Primary and lower secondary	1.08	1.13
Upper secondary	1.45	1.60
Higher vocational education	1.51	2.01
Professional bachelor	1.72	2.25
Academic bachelor	/	/
Master	1.36	1.54
Category of entry
Work	0.98	1.12
Study	1.49	1.66
Family	1.24	1.62
Humanitarian	1.50	1.60
Free movement	0.98	1.10
Note: Permanent migrants (aged 18 to 59 at arrival) who settled in Flanders between 2015 and 2019. The unit of analysis is all non-employment spells (pooled) registered with the PES that start within the 2015-21 period. Estimated effects are based on a Cox proportional hazards model, with time until entry into employment as the dependent variable. The independent variables are recognition, sex, presence of young children at arrival, age, category of entry, Dutch language proficiency, level of education, years elapsed since settlement, number of the non-employment spell, year of observation, and province of residence.
Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on linked data from the Crossroads Bank for Civic Integration and the Flemish PES (see Box 4.1).

Financial incentives to encourage lifelong learning differ in the extent to which they reach immigrant employees

Not only jobseekers, but also employees can take part in formal and non-formal adult education. In fact, to stimulate training and lifelong learning among employees, Flanders designed several financial incentives (OECD, 2019[67]; Department of Work and Social Economy, 2020[71]). Notably, the representation of immigrant employees in these incentive measures differs significantly by type.

Flemish training leave (Vlaams opleidingsverlof) entitles employees in the private sector (who are employed for a minimum of 50%) to take up to 125 hours of paid leave per year to participate in adult education. The government compensates employers the wage cost to a maximum of EUR 21.30 per hour. In 2018, approximately 46 000 employees followed a training in the framework of the paid educational leave, of which 81% were native-born and 19% were foreign-born.

Training vouchers (Opleidingscheques) are a popular scheme among so-called “disadvantaged groups”. Flemish employees (including part-time and contract workers) can pay for recognised training or education programmes with training vouchers, which they purchase from the Flemish PES. The Flemish Government covers 50% of the cost, with a maximum subsidy of EUR 125 per year. Employees from all sectors are eligible for the training voucher if they do not yet have a tertiary degree. Training vouchers can also be used for trajectories of recognition of prior learning. In school year 2019-20, 47% of the 18 000 training voucher requests came from employees who belong to “disadvantaged groups”, as defined by the PES (i.e. be either non-EU-born, low-educated, aged above 55, or have a work disability).

Finally, career guidance vouchers (Loopbaancheques) do not seem to reach immigrants. Employed and self-employed workers with at least seven years of domestic work experience can apply to the PES for career guidance vouchers, which offer 4 hours of subsidised career counselling with a mandated career counselling centre of their choice. Career counselling is only offered in Dutch. Of the 18 000 persons that started career counselling with a voucher in 2021, only 1 300 (7%) were foreign-born. The immigrant share has also remained stable since 2013. Other small-scale options such as training credit (Opleidingskrediet) with 300 beneficiaries per year exist, but there are no data available on participants’ parentage.

Box 4.8. Promoting employment and employability of Ukrainian refugees in Flanders

The labour market integration of Ukrainian refugees is a matter of growing importance in Flanders. Some of the characteristics of Ukrainian refugees are likely to improve their integration prospects and employability, including their educational profile and immediate labour market access, while others on the contrary may hinder them, namely that most arrivals are women with young children and other dependents.

At the time of writing, there were no official statistics on how many of the Ukrainian refugees had found a job in Flanders since the onset of the war of aggression. While the Flemish PES collects such data, it does so only for the (selective) subpopulation of Ukrainian refugees who have at some point registered with the PES. This Box takes stock of the existing evidence from the Flemish PES to provide an indication of the skill potential and labour market inclusion prospects of Ukrainian refugees in Flanders.

Job search and matching

In Flanders, as in most EU countries, Ukrainian refugees with a temporary protection status are granted the immediate right to work (as indicated on their Annex 15 and on electronic A card). Access to the labour market, however, is not sufficient to guarantee employment. The Flemish public employment service VDAB is responsible for integrating Ukrainian refugees into the labour market. At the onset of the crisis, it was agreed for the integration agencies and the PCSW to refer Ukrainian refugees who are capable and willing to work to the PES. To better meet the needs of new arrivals from Ukraine, the PES translated its most essential web pages in Russian and Ukrainian and set up video presentations and brochures specifically targeted at Ukrainian jobseekers. To help connect Ukrainian refugees with potential employers and available jobs in Flanders, the PES additionally launched an online portal called “#Werkplekvrij” (Workplace available) on the 16^th of March 2022. Since its conception, close to 10 300 vacancies have appeared on that online portal, out of which 3 600 were still vacant by 7 November. Notably, 82% of the total number of posted vacancies concerned domestic cleaning (for more information on the service voucher scheme, see Chapter 5). As this sector struggles with persistent labour shortages, it expressed a strong interest to be matched with the new arrivals.

Between 1 March and 7 November 2022, 5 795 Ukrainians had registered with the PES, out of which 70% were women. While this represents only a small portion of the population of Ukrainian refugees living in Flanders (see Chapter 2), the number of registrations with the PES has been rising steadily at a rate of 200 to 300 every two weeks. One possible reason for relatively low initial registration rates is that in Flanders, arrivals from Ukraine receive financial support (see Chapter 3 for a discussion on social assistance) and enjoy the right to work without prior registration at the PES. Among the almost 6 000 Ukrainian refugees registered at the PES as of November, 52% have been recorded as being tertiary educated, 27% as upper-secondary educated, and 21% as primary and lower-secondary educated. Although international comparison is strongly hampered by data limitations, refugees’ level of education seems to be lower than that in other European OECD countries (OECD, 2023[72]). At the time of registering with the PES, refugees’ proficiency in the Dutch language was still very limited: only 1.8% reported to possess “good” or “very good” Dutch language skills and three out of four refugees had no previous experience with the language. In contrast, English language proficiency is relatively widespread: around 30% rated their English skills as “good” or “very good”.

Of the close to 6 000 Ukrainian refugees who registered with the PES between March and November, 33% worked at some point, and 21% were still working on the 7^th of November. While the Flemish public employment service reports growing shares of refugees in employment, early evidence also suggests that skill mismatches are widespread. Indeed, a high proportion of refugees in Flanders expects to work in a job that would require lower levels of formal qualifications than they actually possess.

The top five of refugees’ aspired occupations (see note) are cleaning and maintenance (12%), production (9%), sales (7%), construction (6%) and hotel and catering (6%). Simultaneously, at least initially, temporary agency work and subsidised employment in the domestic cleaning sector have been widespread among the refugees employed, together accounting for more than half of the jobs that were filled. Finally, the PES also provides training measures and job search assistance to Ukrainian jobseekers. However, by October 2022, only 114 Ukrainian refugees had participated in contractual workplace training and 184 had taken part in occupation-specific training, representing 5% of the total.

In principle, a swift labour market entry is welcome, as it allows refugees to rebuild their livelihoods and potentially provides a space where they interact with the host society. However, there is a risk that refugees will be trapped in low-skilled positions due to foregone training opportunities, skill depreciations, reduced job search efforts or other reasons. Against this backdrop, policy makers need to closely monitor the current situation and ensure that the risk of underemployment and skills mismatch skill mismatches does not perpetuate.

Skills assessment and recognition

Recognising foreign qualifications and educational credentials plays a key role in improving the chances of refugees to find a job commensurate with their skill profile. Like other receiving OECD countries, and based on a procedure that was developed in 2015 in the context of high refugee inflows, Flanders has used alternative measures to speed up recognition processes for Ukrainian diplomas. For level applications up to the bachelor level, NARIC Flanders works with precedents, meaning that the procedure is limited to assessing the authenticity of the institution and determining the level. For specific applications, NARIC provides a decision on level equivalence within ten working days to enable a quick labour market entry without having to wait on specific recognition.

In line with the recommendations of the European Commission (5 April 2022), temporary protection holders are not required to pay for recognition and, like asylum seekers and refugees, may use the alternative assessment procedure if they lack full documentation of their foreign degree. Furthermore, in consultation with the competent services of the education administration, a regulation was worked out whereby holders of Ukrainian diplomas gain access to teaching professions and administrative professions in the Flemish education sector, if they have applied for recognition of their diploma. To support employers in hiring Ukrainian refugees, NARIC has created an information sheet on the Ukrainian educational system and how it compares with the Flemish system. Finally, NARIC Flanders obtained additional funds in the form of three additional FTEs to facilitate a quick recognition procedure for Ukrainian refugees.

Despite these measures and the fact that the information currently available on the educational levels of Ukrainian refugees suggests a higher share of them are tertiary educated compared to most other refugee groups, relatively few have applied for recognition of their foreign qualifications so far. Between February 2022 and April 2023, NARIC Flanders has awarded 354 equivalences for diplomas from Ukraine, out of which 158 were recognised within 10 working days.

Note: When a person (re)registers as a job seeker, the PES maps her career choices or aspirations and supports the job seeker in making her career choice through professional records, an interest test, and a competency test. In subsequent contacts, these choices are confirmed or changed.

Source: Ad-hoc data request on the profile, mediation and employment of Ukrainian refugees at the Flemish PES (VDAB) (state of affairs on 7 November 2022); Flemish Government (2022[73]), Vlaanderen helpt Oekraïne. Eerste uitvoeringsrapportering september 2022, https://www.vlaanderen.be/vlaanderen-helpt-oekraine/taskforce-oekraine; https://www.naricvlaanderen.be/.

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Annex 4.A. Additional figures and tables

Annex Figure 4.A.1. The effect of participation in training programmes on the transition to stable employment amongst unemployed jobseekers, 2006-16, Flanders

Annex Figure 4.A.2. Cumulative incidence of entering a PES training measure, by duration since start non-employment and category of entry, newly arrived immigrants, 2006-16, Flanders

Annex Table 4.A.1. Propensity of participating in vocational language training using a Cox regression
	(1) Vocational language training (total)	(2) Bridging courses	(3) Language support occupation-specific training	(4) Language support workplace training
Category of entry (Free movement)
-Work	0,24***	0,18**	0,30**	0,31
-Study	0,45**	0,77	0,12**	0,43
-Family	1,50***	1,69***	1,42***	1,18
-Humanitarian	3,30***	3,86***	2,86***	2,28***
-Other	1,63***	2,06***	1,49**	1,32
Sex (Men)
-Women	0,82***	0,92*	0,78***	0,53***
Children (No)
-Yes	1,07	1,05	1,02	0,95
Age at arrival (18-29)
-30-39	1,01	1,01	0,98	1,19
-40-49	1,02	0,99	1,04	1,52*
-50-59	0,54***	0,62**	0,45***	0,64
Level of education (Low)
-Medium	0,85***	0,91*	0,81***	0,86
-High	0,73***	0,73***	0,69***	1,11
Formal Dutch language skills (A2)
-B1 or higher	1,97***	1,76***	2,17***	2,44***
Cohort of settlement (2015)
-2016	0,95	0,89*	0,95	0,94
-2017	0,82***	0,75***	0,77***	0,86
-2018	0,69***	0,62***	0,66***	0,73
-2019	0,58***	0,48***	0,47***	0,96
p<0.05, p<0.01, **p<0.001 based on robust standard errors. Exponentiated coefficients (hazard ratios) greater than 1 indicate a positive association with the propensity to enrol in vocational language training and coefficients smaller than 1 indicate a negative association.
Note: Permanent migrants (aged 18 to 59 at arrival) who settled in Flanders between 2015 and 2019 and signed an integration contract. Only migrants with formally certified Dutch language skills at the level A2 or higher are included in the sample. Time until the start of vocational language training is the dependent variable. All independent variables are time constant, except formal Dutch language skills which is time varying. The presence of young children, and level of education are measured during the intake with the integration agency.
Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on linked data from the Crossroads Bank for Civic Integration and the Flemish PES (see Box 4.1).

Annex Table 4.A.2. Propensity of having a recognised foreign qualification using a Cox regression
Category of entry (Free movement)
-Work	1,33*
-Study	0,97
-Family	1,86***
-Humanitarian	3,02***
-Other	2,10***
Sex (Men)
-Women	1,16***
Children (No)
-Yes	1,22***
Age at arrival (18-29)
-30-39	0,99
-40-49	0,88**
-50-59	0,68***
Formal Dutch language skills (No level)
-A1	2,88***
-A2	6,72***
-B1+	9,84***
Cohort of settlement (2015)
-2016	1,07
-2017	1,27***
-2018	1,35***
-2019	1,49***
p<0.05, p<0.01, **p<0.001 based on robust standard errors. Exponentiated coefficients (hazard ratios) greater than 1 indicate a positive association with the propensity to have recognised foreign qualifications and coefficients smaller than 1 indicate a negative association.
Note: Permanent migrants (aged 18 to 59 at arrival) who settled in Flanders between 2015 and 2019 and signed an integration contract. Only migrants with foreign tertiary education at arrival are included in the sample. Time until having a recognised foreign qualification is the dependent variable. All independent variables are time constant, except formal Dutch language skills which is time varying. The presence of young children, and level of education are measured during the intake with the integration agency.
Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on linked data from the Crossroads Bank for Civic Integration and the Flemish PES (see Box 4.1).

Annex Table 4.A.3. Propensity of having a domestic qualification using a Cox regression
Category of entry (Free movement)
-Work	5,87***
-Study	25,40***
-Family	1,72***
-Humanitarian	1,56*
-Other	2,97**
Sex (Men)
-Women	0,99
Children (No)
-Yes	0,65**
Age at arrival (18-29)
-30-39	0,53***
-40-49	0,32***
-50-59	-
Level of education (Professional bachelor)
-Academic bachelor	1,64***
-Master	2,61***
Dutch language skills (None)
-Little	1,23
-Good	1,44
-Very good	2,58***
Cohort of settlement (2015)
-2016	0,96
-2017	0,97
-2018	1,02
-2019	0,80
p<0.05, p<0.01, **p<0.001 based on robust standard errors. Exponentiated coefficients (hazard ratios) greater than 1 indicate a positive association with the propensity to have a domestic qualification and coefficients smaller than 1 indicate a negative association.
Note: Permanent migrants (aged 18 to 59 at arrival) who settled in Flanders between 2015 and 2019. Only migrants who signed an integration contract and who have registered with the Flemish PES are included in the sample. Time until having a formal domestic qualification is the dependent variable. All independent variables are time constant, except level of education which is time varying. The presence of young children is measured during the intake with the integration agency. Level of education and Dutch language skills come from PES data.
Source: OECD Secretariat calculations based on linked data from the Crossroads Bank for Civic Integration and the Flemish PES (see Box 4.1).

Notes

← 1. Note that from an OECD perspective, an employment rate of 60% for labour immigrants is relatively low. Part of the explanation lies in the fact that a considerable number of labour immigrants in Flanders are working for supra-national organisations (mostly located in Brussels: e.g. EU officials) and are thus “unknown” to the Belgian Crossroads Bank for Social Security (see (FPS Employment and Unia, 2019[74]) for further discussion). As a result, the employment rate of labour immigrants based on administrative data is underestimated (and much lower compared to the employment rate based on Labour Force Survey data, see Chapter 2).

← 2. Note however, that the importance of informal networks may be underestimated, especially for immigrants, as they frequently play a vital role in gaining access to informal jobs, which are not always captured by the Labour Force Survey.

← 3. For all training measures, controlling for selection by means of dynamic propensity score matching had a clear influence on the estimated return (Wood and Neels, 2020[2]). For contractual workplace training and occupation-specific classroom training, the return after matching was significantly lower, showing that unemployed jobseekers who participate in this type of training have more favourable labour market profiles than those who do not. For general classroom training and non-contractual workplace training, on the other hand, the return after matching was higher, because of negative (self-)selection into these measures.

← 4. In contrast to their analyses for the residential population, the analyses for newcomers does not only focus on unemployment spells, but on all “non-employment” spell (i.e. both unemployment and inactivity) (Wood and Neels, 2020[2]).

← 5. Wood and Neels (2020[2]) additionally analyse difference by subpopulation groups in the amount of time spent in different training measures, which leads to a similar conclusion: migrant jobseekers spent less time in occupation-specific classroom and workplace training than native-born jobseekers of native-born parents.

← 6. The multivariate analyses of this chapter use Cox proportional hazards regression models. The advantage of the event history approach is that it allows to take right-censored cases into account and avoid bias caused by cases who were at risk for less than the maximum observation period. The Cox proportional hazards regression has the additional benefit of making no assumption about the baseline transition rate. It is a so-called semiparametric event-history analysis model in that it is fully flexible regarding the underlying distribution of, here, the transition into vocational language training, but the ratio of the probability of transition between individuals with different values of included variables is constant over the entire process. As our main interest is the direction and strength of the covariate effects on the event occurrence (not the duration), the Cox regression is appropriate.

← 7. The Lisbon Recognition Convention establishes a right to an assessment of higher education that was obtained in one of the signatory countries or is held by refugees. In reverse, it generally does not cover non-tertiary education qualifications and does not apply to migrants with qualifications from non-signatory countries who migrated for other than humanitarian reasons. The Convention applies to recognition of qualifications required for admission to higher education and to recognition of part of (units or courses constituting part of) higher education study programmes.

← 8. See https://www.naricvlaanderen.be/nl/erkenningen/erkenning-buitenlands-diploma/erkenning-aanvragen-bij-naric-of-een-andere-instantie/lijst-met-professionele-erkenningen.

← 9. All applicants for recognition of a higher education certificate need to provide the following documents: a copy of their identity card, a copy of their qualification, a copy of the overview of all subjects with results and study periods and a copy of their dissertation. In case of a specific application, a copy of the official study programme with a description of the contents of the subjects should be added. Medicinal doctors should, and others are recommended, provide a curriculum vitae. People seeking to enter medicinal and healthcare professions should, and others are recommended, provide a copy of certificates of work placements and a copy of documents supporting relevant professional experience. Lastly, artists and architects should provide a copy of their portfolio. Applicants should do different applications for all certificates they seek to recognise. If an application concerns a master’s degree, all documents of the bachelor’s degree should as well be provided, however, only the master’s degree can be recognised. If the applicant also wants his/her bachelor’s degree to be explicitly recognised, he/she should do a separate application for this certificate.

← 10. For certificates that are Dutch, Luxembourgian or from a special international institution, the level of the certificate is automatically recognised.

← 11. While the Agency for Integration and Civic Integration does not pay for translation expenses, VDAB does. As a result, applications for recognition of foreign qualifications are sometimes delayed until one is accompanied by VDAB.

← 12. See https://www.coe.int/en/web/education/recognition-of-refugees’-qualifications.

← 13. Note that the data includes recognition for both regulated and unregulated professions (with no possibility to differentiate the two). Therefore, a shift in the tendency to work in regulated professions also contributes to the estimated effect.

← 14. Partial qualifications are coherent sets of competences from the same professional qualification that offer opportunities in a narrower section of the labour market than the full professional qualification.

← 15. These include guide, forklift driver, reach truck driver, childcarer for babies and toddlers, children carer for school-aged children, car mechanic, meat processor, fast food employee, green and garden construction employee, and machine woodworker. In addition to the 10 professional qualifications listed above, there are validation standards in place for 16 other professional qualifications. However, validation instruments and validation bodies for these 16 qualifications are still lacking and are planned to be in place by 2023.

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