2. From awareness to action: The role of attitudes and dispositions for mobilising environmental sustainability skills

Transitioning to low-carbon economies will require significant changes in how individuals act as consumers, as well as structural reforms in how production is organised. The success of the green transition requires drastic changes in how individuals behave in their daily lives and in their consumption decisions (voluntary bottom-up changes), as well as drastic changes in how production is organised and regulated (policy-driven top-down changes). Both changes – voluntary behavioural changes and changes that stem from modifications made in regulations and public policies, including local economic development policies – rest on a strong awareness and willingness of populations to promote environmental sustainability. Lack of awareness of the economic and social consequences associated with climate change reduces individuals’ willingness to take action. Similarly, a lack of understanding of the threat posed by climate change and environmental degradation reduces support for structural transformations needed to protect the environment in the long term.

Developing an awareness of the threats posed by climate change and environmental degradation, a sense of urgency and agency about the importance of acting for environmental sustainability, and the willingness and capacity to act for sustainability are critical components of the green transition. Skills policies can play a key role in this respect, ensuring that adults and children alike have both the skills and the will to act for environmental sustainability. An extensive review of the literature on environmental attitudes and dispositions among adults and young people, as well as detailed descriptions of the data used in the analyses presented in this chapter, are available in the following technical working papers, which were developed to support the preparation of this chapter: Asai, Borgonovi and Wildi (2022[1]); Borgonovi et al. (2022[2]); and Borgonovi et al. (2022[3]). Readers interested in the extensive set of analyses and indicators on the role of education systems in developing environmental sustainability competence and on the determinants of environmental attitudes and dispositions among adults can consult these.

Promoting the shift towards a green economy depends on developing new technologies and infrastructures that will facilitate reducing the environmental footprint of human activities. The development of such technologies will rest on scientists and entrepreneurs to see the protection of the environment as a key goal of their activities, and this, in turn, depends on their attitudes towards environmental protection. Similarly, the rapid development of such technologies at scale will depend on public investments, which, in turn, depend on public support for prioritising environmental protection. Finally, behavioural change at the level of individuals and households will be critical for the widespread adoption of such technologies and their use in ways that are most aligned with environmental goals.

In the early 2020s, the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic and then the Russian Federation’s war of aggression against Ukraine led to economic instability, disruption of supply chains and steep increases in energy and food prices. On the one hand, geopolitical instability and economic concerns may divert attention from the climate emergency towards economic concerns. On the other hand, they amplify the need for modern economies to reduce their reliance on fossil fuels, invest in renewable energy sources and protect the environment as a way to reduce the risk of geopolitical unrest in the coming years.

The chapter identifies the role of education and training systems in building the capacity and willingness of current and future generations to act in ways that protect the environment. This, in turn, is seen as a key goal of skills policies more generally to ensure that in the future, both consumption and production are better aligned with the achievement of environmental sustainability. Analyses presented in this chapter map climate change perceptions among adult populations as well as young people’s environmental sustainability competence. Environmental attitudes can influence consumption behaviours, policy support, voting behaviour, labour market decisions, and the willingness of individuals to develop and use their skills in ways that reduce the environmental impact of production processes.

Given this context, it is crucial to understand adults’ attitudes towards climate change and the environment more generally because they influence consumption, policy, and labour market decisions. Similarly, it is critical to understand if young people have acquired the skills and the will to act for environmental sustainability. Climate change and the policies needed to mitigate it are key variables that will affect the labour market and career decisions available to individuals. In particular, the economic and lifestyle changes needed to address climate change will profoundly impact the distribution of industries, occupations, jobs and, ultimately, the demand for skills (Vona et al., 2018[4]).

Recent data suggest that most adults in OECD countries consider climate change a “major threat” (Figure 2.1). On average, 68% of adults across OECD countries report that they perceive climate change as a threat, though threat perception varies significantly across countries.1 In Mexico and Italy, for instance, nearly 90% of adults regard climate change as a major threat, but only around 44% of adults report the same in the Czech Republic. The considerable country variation in climate threat perceptions can partly be explained by a country’s experience with natural disasters. Research suggests that the more familiarity and experience individuals have with extreme weather, the less psychological distance they have from the threat of climate change (Spence, Poortinga and Pidgeon, 2011[5]). According to the World Bank, Mexico is “highly vulnerable”, and Italy is “particularly vulnerable” to the adverse impacts of climate change (World Bank Group, 2021[6]; 2021[7]). In addition, they both experienced significantly more natural hazards between 1980 and 2020 than the Czech Republic, which comparatively is considered “vulnerable” (World Bank Group, 2021[8]; 2021[7]; 2021[6]). The fact that Mexico and Italy have experienced more extreme weather can, therefore, help explain why the threat perception among adults in these two countries is much higher than the threat perception in the Czech Republic, a country that has had comparably few extreme climate events in the same period.

Women are more likely to consider climate change a major threat than men (Figure 2.2). On average, across OECD countries, women are 8 percentage points more likely than men to perceive climate change as a major threat, but gender differences are as large as 15 percentage points in Israel. The gender gap in threat perceptions is also larger than 10 percentage points in Japan, New Zealand, the United States, Sweden, Australia, Greece, the Czech Republic and Poland (listed in ascending order by gender gap in threat perception). Cross-country differences in the size of the gender gap in perceived threat are not driven by the differences in mean value across countries. That is, correcting for differences in mean value does not alter the magnitude of gender differences or the rank order of countries.

Despite widespread perceptions of young generations being more sensitive to environmental concerns, (Figure 2.3) indicates that different age groups tend to have similar perceptions about the threat posed by climate change and global warming. For example, on average across OECD countries, 66% of 16-29 year-olds perceive climate change as a threat and 69% of individuals aged 50 or over also perceive climate change as a threat. In many countries, older people seem to be only marginally more worried about potential climate threats than younger people. Japan is the only country where the age difference is pronounced: 71% of 16-29 year-olds perceive climate change as a threat, in contrast to 88% of individuals aged 50 or over – a difference that is statistically significant at conventional levels (p<0.05).

The literature indicates that education is positively correlated with environmental attitudes in general and towards climate change specifically and can cause individuals to behave in a more environmentally friendly manner. In fact, it has been argued that education has the strongest effect on environmental concern and is the single, most stable variable that explains environmental concern.

Education promotes an understanding of a wide range of issues, including the scientific phenomena surrounding climate change. Information – both general knowledge and subject-specific knowledge – is a crucial component in attitude formation. As a result, what individuals learn in school helps shape their attitudes on a given subject – in this case, climate change. Furthermore, education is associated with people’s pro-environmental behaviours. Research has also shown that individuals with secondary or tertiary education are much less likely to deny climate change than those who only completed primary school education. Thus, when children and young adults learn (and continue to learn) about the determinants and consequences of climate change at school, they then have overall higher levels of self-reported understanding of climate change and will go on to make more informed decisions in their daily lives through political and civic participation.

Figure 2.4 reveals that in the majority of countries, individuals with higher levels of education are more likely to consider climate change a major threat. In 14 of the 22 countries, tertiary-educated adults report higher perceptions of threat than those who did not complete secondary education. Across OECD countries, 73% of individuals with a tertiary qualification, 66% with a secondary qualification and 63% of those without secondary qualifications report perceiving climate change as a threat. In eight countries, perceptions of climate change as a major threat are higher among individuals without secondary qualifications than those with tertiary qualifications. The difference is statistically significant and quantitatively large in the United States. This could be a reflection of the geographic distribution of individuals with a different level of education in areas that are more or less affected by climate change. Cross-country differences in the association between education and perceptions of threat could be due to differences in exposure to the potential impact of climate change across education groups in the different countries. Box 2.1 illustrates differences by level of education in attitudes towards climate change and environmental issues in countries that took part in the OECD Environmental Policies and Individual Behaviour Change (EPIC) Survey in 2022.

Education not only helps shape attitudes towards the environment in general, and climate change in particular, and subsequently pro-environmental behaviour, but it is also key in equipping students with a solid foundational understanding of environmental phenomena and fostering the desire to learn more about and engage with environmental problems. Individuals who continue their studies and pursue higher educational qualifications generally acquire skills and habits that allow them to search for and understand information about environmental issues. In fact, educational attainment has been found to be one of the strongest predictors of the willingness to learn (OECD, 2021[11]). Given this, more educated individuals are more likely to continuously seek out relevant information and update their beliefs and understanding, even with regard to climate change, which could result in an even larger gap in environmental awareness over time. The implication is that obtaining a higher education may not only provide additional environmental information but, more importantly, it may prepare individuals to be lifelong learners, capable of constantly updating their knowledge and understanding.

Results presented in Figure 2.8 indicate that in many countries, individuals working in industries that are among the 25% heaviest emitters of CO2 are less likely to believe in climate change than individuals working in industries that are among the 25% lowest emitters of CO2. Examples of most-emitting industries include coal and refined petroleum products; mining and quarrying, non-energy producing products; and water transport. The least-emitting industries include information technology and other information services; human health and social work activities; and administrative and support services. For example, in Ireland, 60% of individuals working in high CO2-emitting industries report believing that climate change is definitely happening, while this is the case for 72% of those working in low CO2-emitting industries. Similarly, in Switzerland, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, France, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Poland, Hungary, Austria, Norway, Israel, Estonia, the Czech Republic and Finland (ranked in descending order based on the percentage of the population that believe climate change is definitely happening), individuals working in high greenhouse gas (GHG)-emitting industries were less likely to report that they believe that climate change is definitely happening than individuals working in low CO2-emitting industries. Note that this relationship does not necessarily indicate a causal effect of sectoral CO2 emissions on attitudes towards climate change but may reflect the different sorting of workers into different sectors.

Figure 2.9 also shows that in the majority of countries, the percentage of individuals who are “very” or “extremely worried” about climate change is lower among individuals working in the most CO2-intensive sectors than among individuals working in the least CO2-intensive sectors, although differences are generally not very pronounced. On average, 31% of individuals working in the least CO2-emitting industries report being “very” or “extremely worried” about climate change, in contrast to 27% of individuals working in the most CO2-emitting industries.

Figure 2.10 indicates that, controlling for country-specific effects, as well as personal characteristics, such as age, gender and educational attainment, individuals who work in a more CO2-intensive sector are less likely to believe that climate change is happening, are less worried about climate change, and have a lower willingness to engage in behaviour aimed at reducing environmental degradation, although results are imprecisely estimated. The estimated effects are significant for belief in climate change and policy support. For example, working in sectors that emit 1% more CO2 per output is associated with a lower probability of believing that climate change is definitely happening of 0.8 percentage points. Similarly, working in sectors that emit 1% more CO2 per output is associated with a 1.5 percentage point lower probability of supporting a fossil-fuel tax. Conversely, the estimated effects are smaller and statistically insignificant with respect to climate worry and engagement in pro-environmental behaviour. To put this into perspective, workers in the most-emitting sectors among the top quartile in terms of the average CO2 emission per output across countries are less likely to state that climate change is definitely happening by approximately 17 percentage points, relative to workers in the least-emitting sectors among the lowest quartile.

These results could reflect that individuals more concerned about the environment work in industries and occupations less likely to contribute to environmental degradation. However, they could also imply that individuals adjust their attitudes and beliefs to the context in which they operate as a way to cognitively justify their everyday work. Finally, employment ethos, context and peer pressure could shape individuals’ attitudes and dispositions. Being surrounded by individuals who express greater environmental concerns and care about environmental protection every day at work might change the environmental concerns or the pro-environmental dispositions of someone with less positive attitudes towards the environment.

Data show that individuals who are more worried about climate change tend to act more pro-environmentally and express support for pro-environment policies (Figure 2.11). For example, there is approximately a 10 percentage-point difference in the percentage of individuals who choose an energy-efficient product when purchasing a large electrical appliance between those who are more worried about climate change and those who are not. Individuals who are worried about climate change are also more likely to support pro-environmental policies, ranging from fossil-fuel taxation, renewable energy subsidies and bans on energy-inefficient household goods.

Figure 2.11 also makes clear that, in general, taxation is less favoured than subsidies and product-market interventions. One reason for this could be that fossil fuel taxes are already high in most OECD countries. For example, in 2018, OECD and Group of Twenty (G20) countries priced 80% of carbon emissions from road transport at EUR 60 or more (OECD, 2021[14]). Furthermore, research from the OECD has found that although taxes on fossil fuels appear to be among the least popular policies, what matters greatly is the use of the carbon tax revenue (Dechezleprêtre et al., 2022[15]). The study found that if carbon taxes were used to fund environmental infrastructure, subsidise low-carbon technologies or reduce income taxes, they would receive more support than if they were distributed equally to everyone (Dechezleprêtre et al., 2022[15]). The higher willingness of populations to support incentives and subsidies for low-carbon technologies over carbon taxes may have driven the adoption of the US Inflation Reduction Act of 2022. The bill includes incentives, such as tax credits, to encourage people to upgrade their homes in energy-efficient ways (Gabbatiss, McSweeney and Viglione, 2022[16]) and purchase clean vehicles (Ermey, 2022[17]).

Overall, results indicate significant variation in adults’ attitudes towards the environment and support for public policy across countries and individuals based on gender and education, as well as people’s economic vulnerability and the sectors they work in. Given this context, it is crucial to further understand how environmental attitudes are developed, especially among young people. Have young people today acquired the skills as well as the will to act for environmental sustainability? The next section will address this question.

Young people play a crucial role in protecting the environment. Their present choices and behaviours as consumers have a direct tangible impact on the success of existing efforts to protect the environment. At the same time, the choices they undertake and the knowledge they accumulate in their formative years can significantly shape whether they will decide to seek employment opportunities that align with the achievement of green objectives or not, their future consumption decisions, their engagement in grassroots initiatives aimed at promoting environmental protection and their support for climate change mitigation policies. Considering the competences pupils have is therefore critical because they are at the basis of students full and active participation as young citizens of the world. Such competences shape and determine their willingness to shape the planet’s future in sustainable ways.

Environmental sustainability competence comprises the knowledge, skills, attitudes and values that are critical to promoting environmental sustainability. In order for young people to engage in meaningful action in the present and be ready to take on challenges in the future, they should have developed all areas that constitute environmental sustainability competence, including cognitive (knowledge and skills), affective (attitudes and values) as well as behavioural (engagement in activities supporting the environment) aspects. Although several theoretical and operational definitions of environmental sustainability competence exist, this report borrows the GreenComp environmental sustainability competence approach, according to which sustainability education aims “to nurture a sustainability mindset from childhood to adulthood with the understanding that humans are part of and depend on nature. Learners are equipped with knowledge, skills and attitudes that help them become agents of change and contribute individually and collectively to shaping futures within planetary boundaries” (Borgonovi et al., 2022[3]).

The GreenComp framework identifies four areas that characterise environmental sustainability competence: 1) embodying sustainability values; 2) embracing complexity in sustainability; 3) envisioning sustainable futures; and 4) acting for sustainability. Embodying sustainability values implies that learners reflect on personal values and worldviews and compare them with unsustainability and sustainability values and worldviews. Embracing complexity in sustainability implies that learners adopt systemic and critical thinking to better assess information and frame current or future challenges as sustainability problems. Envisioning sustainable futures implies that learners can imagine alternative scenarios and identify steps to achieve a sustainable future by using creativity and adapting to change. Finally, acting for sustainability implies that learners act individually and collectively to shape sustainable futures and demand effective policy action for sustainability. Figure 2.12 details the four areas that characterise environmental sustainability competence and the indicators used to map them among young people.

Students who, by age 15, have acquired the four key competence areas that characterise environmental sustainability are considered to have environmental sustainability competence. Environmental sustainability competence includes four areas: proficiency in science literacy, displaying an awareness of key environmental problems, having the agency to take action, caring for the environment and being willing to act to protect the environment (Box 2.2).

These two groups can be identified depending on their level of proficiency in science (Box 2.2). Students with foundational levels in environmental sustainability competence are those who, on top of fulfilling the other environmental competence areas, performed at least at the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) foundational level of science proficiency [PISA Level 2, see Section 1 in Borgonovi et al. (2022[3]) for a description]. Students with foundational levels in environmental sustainability competence can be expected to have acquired the level of skills that will enable them to become thoughtful citizens, to be engaged in protecting the environment through their consumption decisions and lifestyle choices and to have the emotional, cognitive and behavioural mindset to be able to consider the environmental consequence of their actions. The second group is that of students with advanced levels in environmental sustainability competence, students who mastered the science skills needed to have a strong performance in PISA (defined as achieving at least proficiency Level 4) and who, in the future, could engage more directly in shaping the green economy by developing new technologies, innovating in the use of existing technologies in environmentally sound ways or by developing new solutions to reduce the environmental footprint associated with producing goods and services.

Figure 2.13 and Figure 2.14 illustrate the distribution of 15-year-old students who, in 2018, had acquired the full range of cognitive, affective and behavioural dimensions of environmental sustainability to exert positive change in the future, i.e. those with advanced levels of competence.

Figure 2.13 illustrates the percentage of 15-year-old students who, in 2018, had foundational levels in environmental sustainability competence. On average, 31% of 15-year-old students across OECD countries had foundational levels. These students achieved at least PISA Level 2 in science; reported being aware of climate change and global warming; felt confident about discussing or explaining environmental problems to others; reported that caring for the environment was important to them; and engaged in pro-environmental behaviour by either saving energy or participating in environmental groups. In Korea, one in two 15-year-old students in 2018 had foundational levels in environmental sustainability competence, the largest share across OECD countries with available data. In Canada, Portugal and Malta, over 40% of 15-year-olds had foundational levels. By contrast, in Bulgaria, Italy, Romania and the Slovak Republic, only one in four 15-year-old students or less had foundational levels. Results presented in Figure 2.13 indicate that, on average across OECD countries, only around one in three students, by age 15, mastered the emotional, cognitive and behavioural areas of environmental sustainability competence that represent a solid foundation upon which to build their future and the future of the planet. In other words, the vast majority of 15-year-old students in 2018 failed to acquire the entire environmental competence toolbox.

Figure 2.14 illustrates the distribution of 15-year-old students who, in 2018, had advanced levels in environmental sustainability competence. It indicates that, on average across OECD countries, 13% of 15-year-old students in 2018 achieved advanced levels in environmental sustainability competence, meaning that they were strong performers in the PISA science test, achieving at least proficiency Level 4; as well as reporting that looking after the environment was important to them; being aware of climate change and global warming; having high environmental self-efficacy; and engaging in pro-environmental behaviours. Only in Canada, Germany, and Korea did at least one in five students satisfy all conditions to be considered as having advanced levels of environmental sustainability competence, reflecting the high number of students who, at age 15, achieved only foundational proficiency levels in science. In nine countries – Bulgaria, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Greece, Italy, Mexico, Romania, and the Slovak Republic – less than one in ten students achieved advanced levels of environmental sustainability competence. This is despite the fact that in order to ensure an economy-wide effort to meet ambitious climate targets, OECD countries will have to re-orient production to satisfy net-zero requirements, and such re-orientation requires labour market re-allocation towards jobs in the green economy. Such jobs require strong technical skills, which most 15-year-olds in OECD countries lack.

Figure 2.15 shows gender and socio-economic status data for this population (OECD average): the percentage of boys and girls who had foundational and advanced levels in environmental sustainability competence and the percentage of socio-economically disadvantaged and advantaged students who had foundational and advanced levels in environmental sustainability competence.

Results indicate that in 2018, more girls than boys achieved foundational levels: 35% of girls but 31% of boys had foundational levels in environmental sustainability competence across OECD countries. Detailed country analyses reveal that gender differences in favour of girls were especially pronounced in Korea, Lithuania and Poland, where the gender gap was 7 percentage points; Bulgaria and Malta, where the gap was 8 percentage points; and the Republic of Türkiye (hereafter “Türkiye”), where the gender gap was 9 percentage points. By contrast, Figure 2.15 shows that in 2018, there was no gender difference in the percentage of boys and girls who achieved advanced levels in environmental sustainability competence: 13% of boys and girls across OECD countries could be classified as having advanced levels. Country-specific analyses reveal that in Estonia and Korea, girls were considerably more likely than boys to be classified as having advanced levels in environmental sustainability competence (in Estonia, 19% of girls but 16% of boys, and in Korea, 25% of girls but 23% of boys). Differences in the percentage of girls and boys who achieved foundational and advanced levels in environmental sustainability competence are due to differences in the likelihood that boys and girls will be high and low achievers in science. Box 2.3 discusses in detail gender differences in science achievement by level of achievement and by science domain.

Figure 2.15 also provides, for the OECD average, the percentage of socio-economically disadvantaged and advantaged students who achieved foundational levels in environmental sustainability competence. Socio-economically disadvantaged students are students in the bottom quartile of the national distribution of the PISA index of economic, social and cultural status (ESCS). Socio-economically advantaged students are students in the top quartile of the national distribution of ESCS. On average, across OECD countries, 21% of socio-economically disadvantaged but 46% of socio-economically advantaged students had foundational levels in environmental sustainability competence, a difference of 25 percentage points. Country-specific analyses reveal that socio-economic disparities in the percentage of students with foundational levels were larger than 30 percentage points in Bulgaria, Hungary and Portugal and were below 20 percentage points only in Italy (16 percentage-point difference) and Türkiye (17 percentage-point difference).

Figure 2.15 also shows that there are large differences per socio-economic status in the likelihood that 15-year-old students will have advanced levels in environmental sustainability competence. On average, across OECD countries, 5% of socio-economically disadvantaged, but 24% of socio-economically advantaged students, had advanced levels of competence, a difference of 19 percentage points. Country-specific analyses reveal that socio-economic disparities in the percentage of those who had advanced levels in environmental sustainability competence were larger than 25 percentage points in France, Germany, New Zealand, Portugal and Switzerland. These results are especially concerning because PISA reveals that students with a socio-economically disadvantaged background are less likely than their more advantaged counterparts to expect to continue their studies (OECD, 2021[11]), and individuals from disadvantaged backgrounds are more likely to work in jobs that are likely to be displaced by the twin digital and green transition (Box 2.4). These results suggest that initial education systems are currently failing to equip many youngsters, and socio-economically disadvantaged youngsters in particular, with the foundation skills and mindsets they will need in order to be open to finding employment opportunities in the new green economy.

Acting for environmental sustainability involves acting individually and collectively to shape a sustainable future and demanding effective policy action for sustainability. Students’ environmental actions at present are key to environmental welfare and, as such, describe 15-year-old students’ present contribution to environmental sustainability. Figure 2.17 and Figure 2.18 consider how students’ current engagement in individual and collective forms of pro-environmental behaviours depends on emotional, attitudinal and cognitive areas of environmental sustainability competence. The figures illustrate the percentage-point difference in the probability that 15-year-old students report reducing energy consumption for environmental reasons and participation in environmental groups, which is associated with a one-unit change in emotional, attitudinal and cognitive dimensions of environmental sustainability competence. Percentage-point differences represented in the figures compare students with similar gender, socio-economic status, language and migration status and attending schools with a similar socio-economic intake. Furthermore, they were estimated when comparing students with similar levels of sustainability competence on the other dimensions.

Results reported in Figure 2.17 indicate that, on average, across OECD countries with available data, students who “agreed” or “strongly agreed” that looking after the global environment was important to them were 16 percentage points more likely to save energy than those who disagreed or strongly disagreed with the statement. In particular, in Australia, France, Germany, Korea, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom, the difference in the percentage of 15-year-old students who reported engaging in energy-saving behaviours between those who reported caring about the environment and those who did not was larger than 20 percentage points. Differences were smallest and corresponded to fewer than 5 percentage points in Bulgaria and Lithuania.

Figure 2.17 also suggests that a high level of environmental self-efficacy is strongly associated with engagement in saving energy. On average, across OECD countries with available data, students who reported high levels of environmental self-efficacy were 4 percentage points more likely to report saving energy for environmental reasons than students with low levels of environmental self-efficacy. The difference in the propensity to engage in energy-saving behaviour between students with high and low levels of environmental self-efficacy was highest in Germany, Lithuania and Romania (greater than 7 percentage points). The difference in energy-saving behaviour between students who achieved at least foundational proficiency levels in the PISA science test (i.e. achieved proficiency Level 2) and those who did not was negative but quantitatively small. On average, across OECD countries, students who achieved at least foundational proficiency levels in science were 1 percentage point less likely to engage in energy-saving behaviours than other similar students. In Italy, the difference was larger and corresponded to 7 percentage points; in Bulgaria and Romania, it corresponded to 5 percentage points. Finally, students who reported being aware of environmental problems were 4 percentage points more likely, on average across OECD countries, to engage in energy-saving behaviours than students who reported low levels of environmental awareness.

Figure 2.18 illustrates associations with participation in activities in favour of environmental protection. In line with energy-saving behaviour, participation in activities in favour of environmental protection varies markedly depending on whether or not students report caring about the environment and their level of environmental self-efficacy. Data from 2018 reveal that 15-year-old students who reported caring about the environment and had high levels of environmental self-efficacy were more likely to participate in activities favouring environmental protection. By contrast, in most countries, after taking into account whether students reported caring about the environment, their environmental awareness and self-efficacy, participation in activities favouring environmental protection was lower among students who achieved at least foundational levels in science. This could reflect the fact that individuals with higher levels of science achievement may be more reluctant to invest their time in such activities and invest more time in their studies or that, other things being similar, they are more pessimistic about the value of such participation. Box 2.5 illustrates the extent to which young people’s engagement in activities in favour of environmental protection is related to the level of engagement of their parents.

On average, across OECD countries with available data, students who reported high levels of environmental self-efficacy were 9 percentage points more likely to report participating in activities in favour of environmental protection than students with low levels of environmental self-efficacy. The difference in the propensity to participate in activities in favour of environmental protection between students with high and low levels of environmental self-efficacy was highest in Chile, Hungary and Portugal. Similarly, students who reported caring about the environment were 13 percentage points more likely to have participated in activities in favour of environmental protection across OECD countries. The difference was largest in Korea – 24 percentage points – and smallest in Lithuania, where it was 3 percentage points and not statistically significant . The difference in participation in activities in favour of environmental protection between students who achieved at least foundational performance levels in science and those who did not was strong and negative. Other things being equal, throughout OECD countries, students who achieved at least foundational levels of science proficiency were 11 percentage points more likely to have participated in activities. Finally, across OECD countries, students who reported being aware of environmental problems were 3 percentage points more likely to report participating in activities in favour of environmental protection than students who did not.

Successfully implementing climate change mitigation policies domestically and internationally requires understanding adults’ and children’s attitudes towards climate change and the environment. Attitudes drive the actions individuals take as consumers, how they use their skills in the workplace, their willingness to invest in devising new production processes or technical innovations to promote environmental sustainability, and their support for policies aimed at reducing climate change and protecting the environment.

Results presented in this chapter reveal significant variations in different groups who report being worried about climate change, both across and within countries across different groups. In particular, results indicate that educational attainment is a strong predictor of climate change perceptions, and so are gender and the sector in which individuals work. In particular, individuals facing different levels of economic vulnerability and those working in different sectors express different attitudes towards climate change as well as different levels of support for policy action aimed at reducing environmental degradation. For example, individuals who anticipate being negatively impacted by climate change mitigation policies are more likely to report a low understanding of climate change and low threat perceptions. In particular, results show a negative correlation between working in a big CO2-emitting sector and supporting pro-environmental policies. Individuals working in industries that are among the heaviest emitters of greenhouse gases are less likely to believe in climate change and less likely to see climate change as a threat than individuals working in industries that are among the lowest emitters of greenhouse gases.

On the education front, many education systems emphasise the protection of the environment or education for environmental sustainability in their curricula and acquiring environmental sustainability competence as key for education systems to develop involved and responsible citizens. Previous empirical studies indicate that teachers and school principals endorse these policy objectives, recognise the key role education systems can play in promoting the green transition and regard the promotion of students’ respect for and safeguarding of the environment as an important goal.

The foundation for this is environmental sustainability competence. Results indicate that large disparities exist in the extent to which education systems and societies generally equip children with this key foundation for their future. Disparities in acquiring different environmental sustainability competence areas are compounded, and socio-economically disadvantaged youths are, in particular, less likely to acquire environmental sustainability competence. On average, throughout OECD countries, analyses presented reveal that they are 19 percentage points less likely to have foundational levels of environmental sustainability competence and 18 percentage points less likely to have advanced levels of competence compared to their more socio-economically advantaged peers.

A second key dimension of inequality is gender. Subtle but pervasive gender differences exist when granular indicators are available and can be analysed. Delivering a just and inclusive green transition can only be achieved with the participation of all, and the barriers and stereotypes that continue to lead boys and girls, men and women, to make different educational and life choices should be dismantled. In particular, gender differences in the awareness of environmental problems differ depending on the nature of such problems. For example, across OECD countries, boys report higher levels of awareness of nuclear waste, the increase of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, the use of genetically modified organisms and the consequences of clearing forests for other land use. By contrast, girls reported higher levels of awareness of water shortage, air pollution and the extinction of plants and animals (Borgonovi et al., 2022[3]). Similarly, while boys scored higher than girls in physical, and earth and science areas, girls scored higher than boys in biology. These differences map onto gender differences in broad science areas in tertiary education, with few women engaged in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM), while they are more likely to pursue degrees in biology than physics and engineering (Henkel et al., 2019[27]). These differences are related to gender differences in the development of numeracy skills (Borgonovi, Choi and Paccagnella, 2021[28]).

The extent to which individuals can acquire environmental sustainability competence is determined by a variety of factors, among others, the cultural setting in which students are born and raised and the school environment they are exposed to. Within schools, different potential underlying processes may shape students’ environmental sustainability competence, such as formal curricula and teaching practices.

Parents play a pivotal role in their children’s socialisation. Within families, values, attitudes and behaviours may be passed on, resulting in an alignment between generations. The degree of transfer may depend on the extent and type of parents’ interaction with their children. On average, analyses presented in this chapter reveal a significant positive correlation between the pro-environmental behaviour of parents and children within families. The responsibility to equip new generations with solid environmental sustainability competence does not, therefore, lie solely with the formal education sector but is a shared responsibility that all families should take on themselves. Parents are the first and probably most important role models for their children, and their attitudes and behaviours have long-lasting impacts on the possibility of new generations tackling environmental degradation and propelling the green transition. At the same time, children worldwide have developed a new environmental consciousness and can stimulate their parents to modify long-held actions and behaviours to adopt more sustainable lifestyles. In this framework of mutual influence, it is even more urgent to equip youngsters with environmental sustainability competence to also create change within harder-to-reach generations.

The results presented highlight that being a top performer in some fields is not sufficient to develop greater awareness of environmental problems. Findings reveal that for the science domain only (i.e. not for reading), being a top performer is associated with greater awareness of environmental problems compared to students with lower levels of achievement. These findings suggest that it is not students’ general high educational performance and the factors that generally accompany high achievement that determine environmental awareness but, rather, that the content of the educational curriculum matters. Students with high levels of science knowledge and understanding and who can solve complex scientific problems using such knowledge are likely to have acquired a greater understanding of environmental and sustainability issues, equipping them with greater environmental awareness.

Global environmental problems have become more complex and will affect economies and societies in the coming decades. While it is the responsibility of today’s society to leave behind a better environmental future for today’s younger generations, it will be today’s younger generation that will shape future environmental policies.

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Note

← 1. Note that the percentage of individuals who consider climate change to be a major threat is somewhat lower than in another OECD study, where 70% to 90% “somewhat” or “strongly agree” with the statement “climate change is an important issue” (Dechezleprêtre et al., 2022[15]). This discrepancy is due to multiple reasons, including the way in which the question was framed (threat or important problem), the answer choices, and the countries considered. In particular, the dichotomous variable constructed in this work takes 1 only if the respondent believes that climate change is a major threat, whereas Dechezleprêtre et al. (2022[15]) consider both “somewhat agree” and “strongly agree” to classify respondents who believe that climate change is an important problem. The percentage of individuals in the Wellcome Global Monitor who believe that climate change is either a major or a minor threat is high, about 90% in most countries.

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